The Corbett One Name Study

The Almanack and Diary for the year 1653 
of Richard Corbett, Esq.,

Elton, Herefordshire by Brian Lawn, M.A., M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P.
published in Woolhope Club Transactions 1939)


'A seasonable Almanack gaines more reputation than the King of Spaines Bible with all his languages, or the King of France, with more than his, or our late English translation, with more then both. If the Calender say fair, wet, windy, indifferent, or mixt of both, they will quarrell with the stars, if they make not good what Lilly said.' Edmund Gayton, in his 'Pleasant Notes upon Don Quixote.' London 1654.

This little book, found in London in 1937, has so many interesting features, that I thought an account of it would prove aceptable to those who like to delve into the habits and customs of our ancestors - especially as it concerns one of the most beautiful and historic, though lest known parts of England: I mean certain districts of Herefordshire and Shropshire, on the Welsh Border. It is a thin pocket book measuring 27/8 x 5 ins., bound in plain boards uncovered with leather or vellum, and with the leaves, 51 in number, roughly stitched to leather thongs.

As is usual with almanacks of this period, the book consists of two portions:a printed part containing observations on every month of the year, various tables, a chronology, description of the highways, and names of the principal fairs in England and Wales, and many leaves filled with manuscript notes made by the original owner.

The title, printed in black and red within a woodcut border, is as follows:

1 6 5 3
Merlinus Cambro Britannus
the second time demonstrating
The true Revolution of the
Year, the Mutation and State of
Weather (of which the Nation had
good experience last year) Cro-
nological Observations of most no-
table Concurrences past, to this
present time. 1653
Notes on Husbandry.
With many necessary Tables, con-
taining Directions for such as use Marts
and Fairs; also for travellers that coast
the Commonwealth; with other Notes
of good consequence; and a Table
of Interest after the Rate of
VI. per centum
Made and Compiled by the Lover
of his Country and Art
Schardanus Riders,
Being the first after Leap-Year
Printed by John Field, 1653

It is the second edition of this particular almanack, and of such rarity as to be unique, no other copy having been traced so far. The earliest edition hitherto known was that in the British Museum with the date 1656.

However, as this is not a bibliographical notice, I shall spend no more time over the printed part, but get on to a description of the manuscript portion in which lies the main interest of the book.

First of all it would be as well to say a few words in general about these manuscript parts of old almanacks. They are an interesting and little known branch of study, and I would refer those who might care to pursue the subject further to E.F. Bosanquet's monograph of Englich seventeenth century almanacks printed for the Bibliographical Society, London, 1930, to which work I am indebted for some important information in these notes. Taking the sixteenth century first, you will perhaps not be surprised to learn, considering the ephemeral nature of these publications, that there is so far knwon only two sets of notes written by contemporary owners in almanacks of this period. One written in an almanack for 1589, which is in the Bodleian Library, by a small landowner; the other written in a set of Gabriel Friend's almanacks for the years 1587-92 in Canterbury Cathedral Library.

In neither case is the name of the writer known, but in the latter instance he appears to have been connected in some way with Emmanuel College, Cambridge.

On the other hand, in the seventeenth century several sets of notes are known, mostly belonging to the second half of the century and usually by unnamed owners. Bosanquet gives three examples; the first in Bodleian, the other two in his possession.
1. Notes in a copy of John Booker's Mercurius Coelius for 1645.
2. Notes in a copy of Wharton's Calendarium Carolinum for 1666 written by a country gentleman. These are chiefly about his horses and 'mairs'.
3. Notes in a copy of Nathaniel Culpepper's Almanackfor 1689 by the original owner, one Peter ffoulkes gent. of Henllan, a parish near Denbigh. This man was a small farmer who apparently owned at any rate part of the land he worked, and his notes consist of wages, receipts, and many expenses dealing with the working of a farm, such as the prices of apple trees, oxen, cows and sheep, and expenses of shoeing animals, mending and sharpening tools, etc.
Bosanquet has also been one of the first to draw attention to the importance of notes of this kind in almanacks. He says, 'Of course these note books have not the interest of the Diaries of the celebrated men of the period which have come down to us; but they furnish us with valuable data as to the everyday life and work of ordinary people of the times." One might say that they afford us material which we should not expect to find elsewhere in a diary, common-place book or large account book.

The almanack being essentially a pocket book, the owner noted down small everyday personal and other items as he went about; transitory and often trivial matters which yet are of the utmost interest and importance to anyone studying the history of the period. They are, as it were, the deft touches here and there which give life to the whole picture, and infuse a warmth and glow into the canvas.

We now come to the actual set of notes before us. These have several features of special importance which distinguish them from other notes of the same class. Thus, not only has the name of the original owner been traced, but it has been found that he was a member of a very well known and titled family owning much property.

Again, as against the general rule, the manuscript is prolific in both family names and the names of contemporary people and places; so that there is much material for both family and local history. Certain of the notes appear to have been written in chronological order, and from the mention of Easter we can tell more or less what time of year they were written. Thus we have a series of consecutive events which give the MS. more the value of an actual diary.

The writer also appears to have been a man of some learning and fond of reading, so that we get some interesting information with regard to the purchase of books, and several philosophical and medical extracts, recipes, herb lore, etc.

But perhaps the most remarkable thing about this particular set of notes is the way in which facts have been corroborated and amplified by external evidence; thus allowing us to erect around a handful of Christian names (for the name Corbett occurs nowhere in the manuscript) the entire structure of a large and extensive family, and throw much light on its activities in the middle of the seventeenth century.

This has been made possible by the fortunate discovery of certain wills and manuscript collections which you will find noted in the pedigree.

The contents of the manuscript the may be noted as follows:-
1. A very detailed list of personal, family and household expenses made in the earliest part of the year 1653 and set down, there is good reason to think, in chronological order.
2. Notes of lands owned in Longnor, Langton (sic), Wigmore, Lleinterdine (Leintwardine), and Rushock, with names of the lessees and particulars of the rents to be received. In the cases of Langton and Rushock he evidently considered selling the property, as he notes the purchase price for so many years.
3. A list of bonds owed.
4. A list of articles bought in London, 21 Nov. 1653.
5. A list of books.
6. A short list of furniture, with prices.
7. Purchase price of rye, wheat and oats.
8. Medical recipes for man and beast, with description and properties of several herbs mainly out of Gerarde's Herbal.
9. Moral and philosophical extracts, some from Francis Bacon's Sylva Sylvarum, or Natural History.
10. A copy of an old indenture (belonging to the year 1634) in a different though contemporary hand, dealing with the purchase of Gatley Park.
11. Fragment of an early jest book, written in the 18th century by a later owner, one Richard Jones, as we learn from the inscription "Richard Jones his Book Nov. 16, 1789", which is in the same illiterate hand.

Most of the items are of sufficient interest to be given in full; but it has not been thought to be necessary, owing to limitation of space, to give all the medical and philosophical extracts, herb lore, etc.

Throughout I have adhered to the old spelling, transcribing the words exactly as they are written, only I have numbered each item in the list of expenses to facilitate reference later on to particular entries.

An Account of what I layd out sithence I came from London.

1 Toward my expences in Ludlow two several times 4- 6
2 To ye servants at Hemly 1- 6
3 Borrowed of Mr Scott when I went to Shobdon 1- 8- 0
4 To my Sister ffarer 5- 0
5 To my Sister Margarett to give ye servants 3- 0
6 Towards ye mending of my Wach 5- 0
7 Towards my expences in Llemster two several times 4- 6
8 Towards my owne expences at Shobdon and to ye servants 2- 0
9 Towards our expences in Ludlow wth Mr Wiggmore andhis comepeny 6- 6
10 To my Sister ffarer when they were at Elton 2- 6
11 ffor wine and a cake 2- 4
12 Towards my expences at Lleinterdine two several times 3- 6
13 Towards my expences in Ludlow with my Brother Tho 1- 0
14 Towards my expence when I went to Mr Bishop 0- 6
15 To Mr Scott for my Brother Charles 7- 6
16 To Mrs Scott for 3 Strike of Oats 3- 0
17 To Scotts maid for what shee lent Poole 2- 6
18 To my Sister ffarer towards our dyett 1-10
19 To my Sister ffarer for money due upon old accompts 6- 0
20 To hir more as shee lent ye Boy 6- 0
21 Towards my expence at Ludlow 1- 6
22 for an Almanack for my Sister ffarer 0- 6
23 for an Almanack for my Brother Charles 0- 6
24 for my one Almanack 0- 6
25 To Mr Poole for Oats and shuing when he went toLudlow 6- 6
26 ffor tenne Stike of Oats at 10d ye strike 8- 4
27 To my Brother ffrancies when he went to Leighton 0- 4
28 ffor mattes for ye study 4- 0
29 ffor a lock for ye Study 1- 0
30 ffor 2 hundred of Nayles 1- 0
31 To Mr Davies for to buy mattinge 3- 0
32 To my Brother Charles for to buy Shott 0- 6
33 To Bussopps Boy 0- 6
34 Towards my expence in .. ..
35 Towards my expences when I went to ye Graungefor myselfe and my horse goinge and comeing back 2-10
36 for mendinge my bootes 0- 8
37 ffor our expences at Bushops Castle wth Mrs Wigmore 17- 0
38 ffor our horses at yt time and to ye ostler 6- 6
39 To my Brother Charles at yt time 1- 6
40 ffor our expences at Leintwardine when we went
to ye Castle 1- 0
41 To Ambler at yt time 1- 0
42 To a messenger for goeing to Mr Edmund Lloyd 0- 6
43 To my Brother Charles at Worthyn 1- 0
44 To ye servant fellow at Worthyn 0- 6
45 To my Sister Margaret at Bromley 2- 0
46 To my Sister ffarer when I went to Mountgomery 2- 0
47 To hir sonce to buy (nailes) 1- 6
48 for my expence at ye widdow Drapers wth Mr David
Roberts 0- 8
49 To Mr Edmund Lloyds man yt came wth a stre
(possibly an abbeviation for "steere") 1- 0
50 To ye servants at Bromley 1- 6
51 To ye servants at Haghly 0- 6
52 ffor our expences at Cherbury wth my Cozen Newton 1- 0
53 To ye sevants at Mr Middletons 1- 0
54 ffor our expences at Minsterle going to groomes
and for shuing my horse 1- 1
55 To ye Groomes at my Cozen ffowlers 0- 6
56 Towards my expence in Ludlow 0- 6
57 ffor our expences going to the Graines and for
bayting our horses 1-10
58 for shuing my horse 0- 4
59 To ye groome at 0- 6
60 To my Brother Charles in Ludlow 2- 0
61 for bayting our horses 1- 0
62 To ye poore 4- 0
63 Towards my expences goinge wth Mr Widmore to Mountgomery and for shuing 4- 0
64 To my Sister Margarett at Glenhavern 0- 4
65 To my Brother Charles when I went into Shropshie 5- 0
66 for our expences in Ludlow 1-10
67 for my expences in Shropshire when I fell sicke 4-10
68 To ye woman of ye tithe Barne for straw and Oats 8- 6
69 To ye Doctor when I was sicke 5- 0
70 for our expences at Leinerdine when I came from Longnor 1- 0
71 ffor 3 strike of Oats 3- 8
72 . . . . . . Sweemeats 5- 0
73 To ye Apothecary for thinges to drench my Horse 0- 9
74 To him for my owne use 2- 0
75 ffor our expences in Ludlow 3- 4
76 To my Brother Charles when he went to Burrington 2- 6
77 To him when he went to Ludlow 0- 6
78 To Mr Morgrove for his mare 1-12- 6
79 ffor our expences at Leintall 0- 4
80 To ye Smith for shuing 2- 0
81 To my Brother Charles for to shue his Horse 1- 0
82 Towards out expence at Burington wth Mr Bright 1- 0
83 To Anne Evans for Sope 0- 7
84 ffor our expence in Ludlow and for our horses ....
85 To my Sister ffarer at severall times 8- 6
86 To my Sister ffarer to give ye Carpenter 2- 3
87 To ye man yt playd of ye Hoboy and for a reed 0- 6
88 for a suscingle 0- 4
89 To my Sister ffarer for to buy fishe 0- 6
90 To ye taylor for mendinge my clothes 0- 6
91 To John Tilly when he went to Sudbury 0- 6
92 To my Sister ffarer 0- 8
93 To my Sister ffarer more upon Easter Eve 5- 0
94 Towards our expences in Ludlow wth ye Doctor 3- 6
95 To my Brother Charles in Ludlow 2- 0
96 ffor a cappe and combe for my owne use 4- 0
97 To ye Barber for shavinge my head 1- 0
98 ffor our expences goein to Ludston 1- 0
99 To my Brother Charles at Ludston 1- 4
100 To ye servants at ye Grainge 2- 0
101 Towards our expence comeing from Ludston 1- 0
102 To my Sister ffarer when I went to Ludston 3- 0
103 Towards my expence with my Uncle George and at Ludlow 2- 0
104 ffor shoeing my mare 1- 0
105 To Cooper ye Shuemaker 1- 0- 0
106 To Jones ye taylor 1- 0- 0
107 to ye widdow Harries 10- 0
108 To my Sister ffarrers maid at Ludlow 10- 0
109 To my Sister ffarer when I came home 10- 0
110 To Christopher when he went away 5- 0
111 To our expences at Kington 2- 0
112 ffor shuinge my horse as I went to Kinton 0- 6
113 To ye Barber for shaving 1- 0
114 To my Brother Waties out of Cozen ffowlers money 5- 0- 0
115 To my Sister ffarer 4-10- 0
116 To my Brother Charles 2- 0- 0
117 ffor sope and thrid 1- 0
118 ffor shuing of my horse 1- 0
119 To Mrs Littleton for Strike of Oats ....
120 ffor our expences at Ludlow with my Sister ffarer and my Sister Griff. 5- 0
121 To ye Austler for hay for our hoses at yt time 0-10
122 To my Sister Marg. for to give ye ffidler 0- 6
123 To him more by mee 0- 6
124 To ye Barber 0- 6
125 To Cole for mendinge my Saddle 2- 6
126 To my Sister ffarer for to pay ye weaver 2- 6
127 To ye taylors Boy for my Brother ffrancies 8- 0
128 To my Brother Charl. for to pay ye taylor 4- 6
129 To him at another time before to pay ye taylors Boy 0- 6
130 To Marg. wch shee lent to Anthony 5- 0
131 To Timothy Williams for ground we tooke of him 1- 0- 0
132 ffor our expences at Kington and for bayting our horses 2- 4
133 To ye Barber for shavinge 0-10
134 ffor my expence in Ludlow when I went to meet fflavell 2-10
135 Towards my expence when I went to Kington to meet Mr Gears 2- 7
136 ffor our expences in Ludlow 3- 0
137 To my Brother Charl. yt day 3- 0
138 for a kane for myselfe 0-10
139 Layd out for my own use 0- 6
140 ffor my expence in Ludlow 1- 6
141 ffor shuing my horse and to ye Austler for hay 1- 0
142 To my Sister ffarers maid and to hirselfe 10- 0
143 ffor 3 Strike of Oats 4- 0
144 To ye man for mendinge my table booke 0- 6
145 Towards my expence at Presten assizes 5- 6
146 To ye Boy for five hundred of hay 6- 8
147 To my Brother Charles for yo give ye ryder 10- 0
148 To ye Citty of Hereford 1-10- 0
149 ffor ye Boyes expence goeing in wth it .....
150 ffor an acquittance 0- 4
151 To my Sister ffarer for my Sister Marg. use 3- 0
152 To my Sister Marg. 16- 0
153 To my Sister ffarer for to pay Anned wages 5- 0
154 To hir at yt time for to buy cheese at Wigmore 1- 0- 0
155 To Herny when he went to London 14- 6
156 To Hopkins for his grasse 14- 0
157 To my Brother Charl. to pay Mr Scott 10- 0
158 To him yt time for his owne use 6- 0
159 To Mr Morgrove mor for his mare 1- 5- 0
160 To him for 2 Strike of Oeats for my Brother Charl. 2- 4
161 ffor our expences in Ludlow with my Brother Tho, 4- 6
162 ffor our expence in towne that night 6- 6
163 ffor my Hanger 14- 0
164 ffor my expence at Kington 2- 0
165 To my Brother Griffithes at my Brother ffrancies ffunerall for to buy meat 2- 0- 0
166 To him at yt time for his owne use 1- 0- 0
167 To him for ye Ringers 1- 0- 0
168 To my sister for to buy a wineding sheet 2-10- 0
169 ffor shuger to ffrancies 2- 0
170 ffor two Belts 1- 1- 0
171 To my Sisters mayd to buy candles 1- 0
172 ffor a quarter of Beefe 1- 5- 0
173 ffor a cloth to lay over the corps 15- 0
174 To Boudler for Ribons in parte and upon old accompt 5-12- 0
175 To him for use money upin a bond of my ffathers 1- 5- 0
176 ffor wine 1-11- 0
177 for fruight and short cakes 11- 3
178 ffor two paire of boots 1- 1- 0
179 ffor my own expence and ye mans 4- 6
180 ffor Bayting our horses and for Shuinge 3- 0
181 To ye Cooke 11- 0
182 To William Harry for comeing to Elton 1- 0
183 To ye poore 1-13- 4
184 ffor ye Coffyn 10- 0
185 ffor our expence comeing from Mountgomery 0-10


A brief analysis gives us the following arrangement of the more interesting items in this list:-
6 Watch 5/-
36 Boots 8d
125 Saddle 2/6
144 Table book 6d
(Note: These (table) books "were sometimes made of slate in the form of a small portable book with leaves and clasps", Douce's Illustrations of Shakespear, 1839, p.454, where he is discussing the passage in Hamlet: My tables, -meet it is I set it down.They are also found with blank leaves of asses skin.)

A. Food and Drink
11 Wine and cake 2/4
176 Wine 1/11/0
89 Fish 6d
154 Cheese 1-0-0
165 Meat 2-0-0
172 Beef 1-5-0
177 Fruit & short cakes 11/3
72 Sweetmeats 5/-
169 Sugar 2/-

B .Various other articles
23 Almanacks 6d each
28 Mats 4/-
29 One lock 1/-
30 Nails 1/-
47 Nails 1/6
31 Matting 3/-
32 Shot 6d
83 Soap 7d
117 Soap and thread 1/-
88 A surcingle 4d (spelt "suscingle," a band round a horse's body)
96 A cap and comb 4/-
138 A cane 10d
163 A hanger (sword) 14/-
170 Two belts 1-1-0
178 Two pairs of boots 1-1-0

Funeral expenses (excluding food and drink)
167 For the ringers 1- 0- 0
168 A winding sheet 2-10- 0
171 For candles (for watching over the dead) 1- 0
173 For a cloth to lay over body 15- 0
184 For the coffin 10- 0

Other expenses
90 To the tailor 0- 6
106 To Jones the tailor 1- 0- 0
127 To the tailor's Boy 8- 0
128 'To my brother Charl. for to pay ye taylor' 4- 6
129 'To him at another time before to pay ye taylor's Boy' 0- 6
86 To the carpenter 2- 3
126 To the weaver 2- 6
105 To Cooper the shoemaker 1- 0- 0
87 To the 'Hoboy' player and for a reed 0- 6
122 )
123 ) To the fiddler (each time) 0- 6
97 To the barber for shaving his head 1/-
113 To the barber for shaving 1/-
124 To the barber 6d
133 To the barber for shaving 10d
67 Expenses when sick 4/6
69 To the doctor 5/-
94 To the doctor 3/6
74 To the apothecary for drugs for his own use 2/-

Expenses connected with his horse
78 'To Mr Morgrove for his mare' 1-12- 6
159 'To Mr Morgrove mor for his mare' 1- 5- 0
58 'for shuing my horse' 0- 4
80 'To ye Smith for shuing' 2- 0
81 For shoeing 1- 0
104 For shoeing 1- 0 There are many other references for shoeing
55 To the grooms 0- 6
59 To the groom 0- 6
121 'To ye Austler for hay' 0-10
61 For bayting our horses 1- 0
16 3 strike of oats 3- 0
26 10 strike of oats 8- 4
73 'To ye Apothecary for thinges to drench my horse' 0- 9

Actual travelling expenses
35 'Towards my expences when I went to ye Grange for myselfe and my horse goinge and comeing
back 2-10 (Note:The Grange was probably Harnage Grange, where his cousin Fowler lived.)
57 'ffor our expences going to ye Graines (Grange) and for bayting our horses 1-10
63 Expences going to Montgomery, including shoeing 4- 0
98 Expenses going to Ludstone 1- 0
135 Expenses going to Kington 2- 0
185 Coming from Montgomery 0-10

A note of what rents owe to be received out of Longnor.
from my uncle Humphery 1- 2- 6
from my uncle Robert 15- 6
from Robert Chield 10- 6
from Tho. Scriven 2- 6
from Rich. Whitley 5- 0
from Humphry Raulins 1-10- 6
from John Fox 6- 8
from Shewster Withington 2-10- 6
from Sarah Morris 2- 6

The total costs is 7 6s 2d.

A Particular of what Land lies in Langton
One tenement wch Prosser holds at 2 p.annum
One peece of Meadow ground called by ye name of Welshmans Acre at 1-10-0 p.annum
One other small peece of meadow ground worth 5/- p.annum
Sr. Samson holds two peeces of meadow ground worth 4 p.annum
John Knight holds one peece of meadow ground worth 5/- p.annum
William Colerick holds one peece of meadow ground worth 10/- p.annum
So ye whole is 8-10-0 p. annum.
John Dale of Leighn(tall) desires to deale for this (at) Leinghtall.
Prossers rent is 4- 6- 8
Sr Samsons rent is 4- 0- 0
Knights rent 5- 0
Colericks rent 10- 0
Sume totall 9- 1- 8
The rent of 9- 1- 8 at 12 years purchase for ye revercion after ye Ladyes decease doth amount unto 108.
The rent of 8 after 12 (yeres) purchase somes to .....

A Particular of what land lies in Wigmore towne
Tedstell holds a tenement at 2- 6- 0 p.annum
One other tenement held at 14/- p. annum.
The totall of both is 3- 0- 0 p. annum.
Cludds tenem. upin ye rock 60 p.annum of wch he hath a lease for 20 yeres after the Ladyes decease for 40 p.annum.

Out of the Lordship of Rushock there is received
65- 1- 8d. p.annum wch at 18 yeres purchase come to 1176- 8- 4. (sic)
And ye 70 rent in Revercion at 5 yeares purchase after 3 lives doth amount unto ?350- 0- 0.
The particular for Rushock doth amount to 1518-16- 8.
William Smith for one tenement does pay 4 p.annum wor(th) 5 p.annum.
Anne Bould widdow for a house and garden wth 3 acres or errable land worth 40/- p.annum.
Tho. Underwood of Lower Heighton.

Bought in London ye 21 of November 1653.
One paire of Shues and Goloshues 0- 8- 6
One paire of Black sarge Stockings 5- 0
One camebrick Band and paire of cuffes 4- 0 (The Band was a kind of large collar falling over or standing out from the coat, and was often richly trimmed with lace.)
One Holland Band and paire of cuffes 3- 6
One paire of Gloves with fringe 8- 6
One Razor, case, and Sizers 5- 0
One knife and case 3- 6
Three paire of Band Stringes 8- 6 (The Band Stringes, often of Silk, were tied in the front to keep the Band together.)
ffor Bookes 10- 6
ffor one ruled booke 1- 0
ffor Ribonds 1- 4

Thus Jane the seamstress in Dekker's Shoemaker's Holiday: "Sir, what is't you buy? What is't you lack, sir, calico, or lawn, Fine cambric shirts, or bands, what will you buy?"

Also in The Picture of an English Antick, a rare 17th cent. broadside in the British Museum satirising the extravagant dress of the period: "His band lapping over before Great band strings, with a ring tied."
The gallant of those days wore many ribbons, at the knee, wrist, shoulder, etc. and on the hat; they are mentioned several times in the above Broadside: "His hat .... banded with a calves tail and a bunch of riband. Long haire, with ribands tied in it. His codpeec (fore-flap of the breeches) open tied at the top with a great bunch of riband. Many dozen points at the knees. Above the points of either side two bunches of riband of severall colours."

Reeds Anatomy
Physicall Rarities by Ralph Williams
Robert Turners Anatomy
The Haven of Health by Tho. Coghan
Walter Bruells Practice of Physicke
These may well be the books which he mentions above as having been bought in London. They are all physic books, the Physical Rarities beinf collections of medical recipes. The book by Cogan was a very old favourite first published as far back as 1586 in 4to.
"The Haven of Health, chiefly made for the comfort of Students and consequently for all those that have a care for their health, amplified upon fine wordes of Hippocrates. .... Hereunto is added a Preservation from the Pestilence: With a short Censure of the late sicknesse at Oxford."
There is no doubt that the writer of these notes had a care of his health" both from the mention of his expenses in Shropshire "when I fell sick" (No. 67 in the list), his payments to the doctor and apothecary (Nos. 69, 74 and 94), from the fact that all the books he mentions are on medicine, and finally from his many medical recipes scattered throughout the manuscript.

The six stooles at 6/-
The table at 4/6
The panne at 2/6
The two frames of chayres at 3/-

The 67 thrave of Rye at 6/- a thrave comes to 20- 2- 0
The 18 thrave of wheat at 10/- a thrave comes to 9- 0- 0
The twenty thrave of Oats at 4/- a thrave comes to 4- 0- 0
So ye whole comes to 33- 2- 0
A thrave was equal to twenty-four sheaves. 12 sheaves made a Stook and 2 Stooks a Thrave.
Mention is frequently made in the above list of expenses of a strike of oats.
In the old days when half a bushel measures were chiefly used, two strikes of oats equalled a bushel.
The half bushel measure was filled up and then levelled or struck off with the straight edge of a strip of board called a Strikler.

An Approved Medicine for a Cough or Consumption.
Take unsett Isopp, Coltsfoote, Egrimony, Lungwort, Spearemint, Peniroyal of each a small handfull, a little
Harts toung, six leaves of Alecoast, a quarter of a pound of Reisons of ye Sun stoned, ye like quantity of figgs sliced, 2d of dates, 2d of English Liquorish, 2d of Aniseeds, boyle all thees in a gallon of running water till it be halfe boyled away, then strain it from ye hearbs putting into it an ounce of browne shugar candy, and so drinke a good draught warme in ye morning halfe an hour before you rise, another an houre after dinner, and as much when you goe to bedd.
If you are not solluble you may put in a peece of Butter about ye quantity of a small nutt.

After this we get "The Vertues of ye foregoinf Hearbs."
Then recipes "To Purge the Blood," "For a Heat in ye Liver," etc.
The description and vertues of the following herbs are also given:-
Of Goats Beard or Goe to Bed at Noone.
Of Stinking Groundpine.
Of Harts Ease.
Of Ground Ivy.
Of Bugle or Middle Comfrey.
Of Yarrow or Nose Bleed.
Of Sleepy Nightshade.
Of Radish.
Of Knobbed Cranesbill.
Of Mouse-eare.
Of Common Knot-grasse.
Of ye Apples of Peru or thorny Apples of peru.

Most of these are copied from Gerarde's Herball, or General History of Plants, first published in 1597.
Now come several recipes for the ailments of horses:
A Receipt for ye Fashions.
Take of Bay Berryes and of Garden Rue, Red Sage, unsett Ysop, topps of Rosemary of each a like quantity boyled in three pints of Ale till one 3rd part be boyled, and soe given to ye Horse.

Then there are the following recipes:-
For Horses Eyes (two recipes)
For a chanker
For ye Botts
For Scratchings
For a Horse Back yt is Swelled
For ye Could

Many men there are yt trouble themselves more how ye soule comes into man than how it goes out.
They wrangle whether it comes in by infusion from God, or by propagation from parents, and never consider whether it shall returne to him yt made it or to him yt marred it, to him yt gave it, or to him yt corrupted it.
This is a very just censure of a foolish controversy that raged during the 17th century. Books were even written about it of which it might be interesting to give the titles of two:
1: An Introduction to the Teutonic Philosophic, being a determination concerning the original of the soul, viz., whether it be immediately created by God, and infused into the body; or transmitted from the Parent .... by C Hotham, Fellow of Peterhouse, London 1650.
2: Mans Dignity and Perfection Vindicated. Being some serious thoughts on that Commonly received Errour touching the Infusion of the Soul of Man ... Wherein it is Rationally, Philosophically, and Theologically demonstrated that the Soul of Man is ex traduce and begotten by the Parents. By William
Ramesey, Sworn Physician to His Majesty. London 1661.

.... by Indenture .... th Apr. 9 Car. from (Sir) Joh. (Danvers) and his Lady and Sir Wm Crofts to Sr Sampson Eure of ye Lordship of Lenthall Starks wth catteles waived strayes cattels of felons and fugitives and all other rights jurisdictions privileges comodities etc in Lenthall Starks Elton etc and elsewhere in ye sd County of Hereford to ye sd Lordship or Mnor belonging. Wch sd Mnor was heretofore grnted by Q.Elizabeth by letters pattents dated ye 30th of July 5 Eliz to Wm. Horne merchant of ye staple of England.
This indenture, which is in a hand different from though contemporary with that in which Richard Corbett's notes are written, would appear to relate to the purchase of the Manor Leinthall Starkes by Sir Sampson Eure in 1634 (the 9th year of Charles 1st). No doubt Gatley Park was meant, with surrounding lands. Robinson, in his Mansions of Herefordshire, p.172,...... (this continues with details from this book).
As to the exact significance of the presence of this indenture in an almanack belonging to Richard Corbett, I can say nothing: except of course that Sir Sampson Eure had property adjoining that of the Corbetts at Elton, and was no doubt a friend of the Corbetts.

This ends the description of the principal contents of the Manuscript. It now remains for us brieflyy to review what knowledge of the owner and his family has been gained from an examination of the notes and other sources.

In the first place then, from the names of relatives and places mentioned, it has been possible to establish without any shadow of doubt that the original owner of the lamanack, who bought it in 1653 ("for my one Almanack 6d. No.24) was Richard Corbett, sixth son of Sir Edward Corbett, Bart. of Longnor, Salop and Leighton, Montgomeryshire.

A reference to the pedigree will show at a glance how he stood in relation to the rest of the family, and how all the brothers, sisters and uncles mentioned fit into place. It will be seen that the year 1653 was an eventful one for the Corbett family.

Richard's father died on 8th April, and Edward the eldest surviving son, six weeks later on 20th May, whilst we learn from the notes that Francis, the fifth son, sied in the earlier part of the same year. This leaves Richard as the eldest unmarried son who would, in that capacity, see to all the many affairs of his father's estates, and be free to travel about the country attending to all the details of rents and sales of lands etc., that were to be made. We have, in fact, in the almanack, notes of some of these journeys and the business connected with them.

Now there is a copy of Sir Edward's will in Somerset House, and in it he authorises his executors, Francies, Richard, Charles and "my dear daughter Margaret", to make sales of his lands and first discharge debts etc.

The lands mentioned are: Manor of Rushock, Hereford; Manor of Elton, Hereford; Manor of Marlowe, Hereford; Manor of Great Sutton and Little Sutton or Suttons, Salop; lands etc. in Neather Hayton, St Margarets Clee, Corfton, Ludlow or elsewhere in Salop. The four executors were the unmarried children, that is unmarried in 1653; but Richard married 2 years later in 1655, and Margaret in 1656.
The will was proved 20th June, 1653, by oath of Richard and Charles, Francis being dead by then, as indeed we learn from the almanack. (Nps. 165 onwards)

There are notes in the almanack of the purchase price of Rushock, and no doubt Richard was then negotiating for a sale. There is also mention of a Thomas Underwood of Lowerr Heighton, and notes of the rents from Longnor, Langton, Wigmore and Lleinterdine. In the case of Langton the purchase price is calculated, and he evidently considered selling this particular property to one John Dale of Lerighntall.

We can also determine, I think pretty conclusively, where Richard was living when he wrote the notes in the almanack.
First of all it is obvious that he was living with his sister Farrer ("To my Sister ffarer when I came home", 109), who kept house for him; he supplying the money for food, maid's wages,etc. She would be thirty in 1653, and quite possibly was the eldest sister; her Christian name was Martha.

Now this Martha then married, to a Captain Robert Farrer, who is not mentioned in the notes. Therefore he was presumably not living with his wife at the time, but was perhaps engaged elsewhere in the wars, thus leaving Martha free to keep house for her brother. In any case this Captain Farrer made his will on 20th September 1653, and died in December of that year. He was buried in Elton Church, as a brass bearing the date 4 Dec. 1653, in the floor of the chancel there, testifies to this day. Nearby there is another brass commemorating the death of Martha Farrer, incompletely dated 16--. So that it would seem that the Farrers were living in Elton in the year 1653, and that Richard Corbett was living with his sister in the first half of that year, quite possibly at Elton.

For further proof, for this alone is not very convincing, we have the fact that there is mention in the notes of people "coming to Elton", a phrase not used in connection with any other of the many places noted, i.e, "To William Harry for comeing to Elton" 182, and also the following significant sentence "To my Sisster ffarer when they (Mr Wiggmore and his company) were at Elton" 10.

The evidence is against his living in Shropshire, either at Longnor, the ancient seat of the Corbetts, or elsewhere, since he says "To my Brother Charles when I went into Shropshire when I fell sick" 67. These are scarcely the words of a man who lived in that county. Again, Ludlow is the nearest town to Elton, which is only four and a half miles away, and it receives many more references than any other place.

Finally we know from the will and from the MS notes of Archdeacon Corbett (quoted by Robinson in his Mansions of Herefordshire, p.114) that Sir Edward, Richard's father, had an estate at Elton which he was said to have acquired through his wife Margaret, who in turn had it from her uncle Sir Charles Fox. So here is external evidence of the Corbetts holding Elton.

I have no doubt, then, at any rate in the first half of the year 1653, Richard Corbett was living at Elton onm his father's estate. Further, judging from the notes of his expenses, I should say that living with him were his sister Martha and the other three unmarried children of Sir Edward mentioned in the will, Francies, Charles and Margaret.

As for younger children under age, it is difficult to say anything about them with certainty, as we should not expect to find them mentioned in the list of expenses. Martha's four children might very well have been there, and so might Richard;s younger sister Ursula, who would only be fifteen then.

Francies, early in the list, No. 27, went to Leighton, perhaps to see his father, who did not die, it will be rememberd, until the 8th April. If we take the entries as following each other in chronological order, it will be seen that this entry relating to Francies visit comes sometime before that mentioning Easter Eve, No. 93.
Very strong evidence in favour of this chronological order is found in the fact that Richard bought three almanacks pretty soon, Nos. 22, 23, 24, and it is most likely that he would buy these at the beginning and not the middle of the year.

Thereafter we have no mention of Francies until much later. After Easter, Richard pays his tailor's bill of 8/- and then notes that he pays the tailor's boy for Francies, and not Francies himself - whereas the very next entry he gives money to Charles so that he can settle his own tailor's bill.

One might surmise from this that Francies was still at Leighton, or that he was ill and unable to attend business himself, since towards the end of the list we learn of his death.

That Charles was at Elton we gather from the frequency of the entries concerning him (he is mentioned 16 times). Richard is always giving him money, "to buy shott", 32, "to shue his horse,"81, and on many other occasions.

His sister Margaret travelled about a little: at one time she is at Bromley, 45, at another at Glenhavern, 64 ("Glanhafren in Montgomershire), but later after Easter she is apparently home again, as Richard gives her 6d "to pay ye fiddler", 122, and likes his fiddling so much that he promptly gives him another 6d himself.

He gives money to Margaret three times after that, in one case "to my Sister ffarer for my Sister Marg.use",151.

This,as far as we know,completes the family household at Elton in 1653.

I do not think that any of the elder brothers were living with Richard at the time. They were all married and receive either no or very scanty mention in the almanack. Edward, the eldest, is not mentioned at all. He is described "of Leighton", and, no doubt, was ,living with his father at this place in the first part of 1653; Richard is with Thomas in Ludlow on two occasions, but otherwise there is no mention of him. This brother was living at Presteign in Radnorshire in 1681, as we learn from his will; perhaps he lived there as early as 1653.

The other brother, Waties, is mentioned only once when Richard gives him 5 "out of my cozen ffowlers money", 114. He was married to Margaret, daughter of Sampson Weaver of Elton.

Now if Richard was living with Waties, or Thomas, for that matter, surely there would be no need for his sister Martha to keep house for him, or for him to defray all household expenses. The wife of the elder brother would be the one most likely to run the house, and the elder brother himself would pay the accounts, such as wages, food, etc.

Of course this is onlt supposition, we have nothing really definite to go on, but where there is so little information, we have to consider things more in the light of probability, and try to detremine what would be the most likely state of affairs.. Except for a few definite facts, this is the attitude we have to adopt throughout the whole of these notes.

Later on it seems reasonably certain that Waties Corbett did live at the Elston estate; since we learn from the above mentioned notes of Archdeacon Corbett (Robinson's Mansions, p.114) that Sir Edward left this property to his son Waties, and that either the latter or his son sold it at a later period.

The list of expenses in Richard's almanack covers, it will be remembered, presumably only the earlier part of that eventful year. During the writing of a considerable portion Sir Edward would still be alive. So that it is perfectly reasonable to assume that during the period with which we are concerned Waties Corbett had not yet taken possession of the Elton estate. When he did so, Richard and Charles may haf moved to Shobdon; for in Bigland's MS Collections in the College of Arms (which were formed in the following century) these two brothers are described as being "of Shobdon".

I am pretty certain that they were not living at this place in 1653, since besides the above mentioned evidence in favour of them living at Elton, Richard explicitly mentions a visit to Shobdon, "Borroed of Mr Scott when I went to Shobdon", 3, and soon after, "Towards my expences at Shobdon and to ye servants", 8. Now he would hardly write in this way if he lived there.

It is possible that Richard, Charles and Margaret did not move to Shobdon until 1655, when Richard married Susan, daughter of Thomas Wigmore of Shobdon, at this place. There are several references to Mr Wigmore and Mrs Wigmore, no doubt the father and mother of the girl he was to marry. The following year Margaret married a John Matthews, also at Shobdon.

Nos. 120 and 165 respectively refer to his sister Griffiths and his brother Griffiths. As you can see from the pedigree the probability is that his sister Mary had married a Griffiths, and that he called her by her married name, as indeed he does Martha. His brother Griffiths would of course refer to his brother-in-law. But it is a little difficult to see why his brother-in-law should have been one to attend to certain matters in connection with Francies's funeral. It rather looks as though Francies did not die at Elton, but perhaps at his brother-in-laws house; at any rate Richard apparently pays the expenses of the funeral.

Richard visits Longnor, the original home of the Corbetts, one (70). Jane Corbett, his grandmother, described in her will as "widow, of Longnor", was living there then (will signed 1654) possibly with those of her unmarried sons then living.

Two of Richard's uncles, Humphery and Robert, are mentioned as renting lands in Longnor. But in the Visitation of 1623 Robert is described as "Goldsmith of London", so he was not living at Longnor at that time. Richard meets his Uncle George at Ludlow once (153).

Now as regard his cousins, there is no doubt that one of the Fowlers of Hargage Grange, Shropshire, was his 'cozen ffowler'. Edward Corbett, the second son, had married Ann, fifth daughter of Sir Richard Newport, and Richard Fowler of Harnage Grange, married Margaret, fourth daughter of Sir Richard.
Again, Richard Fowler, a younger son from the Grange, married Sarah Burton, a descendant in the third generation from Edward Burton, who was brother to Jane Corbett, our Richard's great, great, grandmother.
He frequently mentions going to "ye Grange" (35, 57, 100), perhaps it was Harnage Grange.

The other cousin,Newton, whom he was with at Chirbury, may well have been one of the Newton of Heightley, a village only a mile or so from Chirbury. Referring to the pedigree we see that Edward Burton married Elizabeth Newton of Heightley. The entry before that describing the meeting with "my cozen Newton at Cherbury" is "To ye servants at Haghly" (51). Now this could be an old spelling of Heightley. I find it spelt in Harleian MSS both "Highlee" and "Heighley", both without the "t".

It is interesting to note, by the way, that in the list of Longnor rents occurs the name "Shewter Withington". This man, spelt "Seawster Withington", was one of the witnesses to Jane Corbett's will in 1654. He was the son of Edward and Bridget Withington, and was born in Longnor in 1618 (Longnor Parish Register).

Many rents are described as owing from "Langton", a place which spelt as such has completely dissappeared. I can only suppose it to be an old spelling of Longden, which is four miles N.W. of Longnor and where it might be presumed that the Corbett's held lands.

How old was Richard Corbett when he bought the almanack? Unfortunately all attempts at finding the date of his birth have proved fruitless; we can only make a rough guess. Thomas, the third son, was born in 1622, Martha in 1623, so that Waties, the fourth son, may have been born in 1624, Francies, the fifth son, 1625, and Richard 1626. This would give about the earliest year he could have been born, but of course one or more of the other daughters may have intervened. At the most, he would be twenty-seven years of age in 1653, three years younger than Martha.

As to his character, disposition, etc., we have clearly a picture of a young man not very robust, careful of his health, attentive to his personal appearance, clean shaven, and probably wearing a wig, as on one occasion, No. 97. he had his head shaved; soberly but neatly dressed in the fashion of the period rather after the style of the cavaliers than the Puritans, since he had his fringed gloves, cambric cuffs, and bands and ribbons. He would be scholarly and serious minded, fond of books and reading; he knew Latin and could write an excellent hand. Painstaking and careful he was to a degree we should think extraordinary nowadays, notong down with precision the smallest items, "lay out for my own use 6d", etc. In a note on Religion he quotes "Beatitudo non est divinorum cognitio, sed vita divina" - "for Beatitude doth not consist in the knowledge of divine things, but in Divine life". In the very next note he refers to the uncertainty of Riches, Honour, Health and Life - has he not just lost four of his nearest relations, including his father and mother?

No doubt there were many debts to settle and dales of lands to attend to, and the responsibility and worry of so much business must at times have lain heavy on his young head. He comforts himself with a philosophical axiom: "Griefe for things past yt cannot be remedied, and care for things to come yt cannot be prevented, may easily hurt, can never benefit mee. I will therefore commit myselfe to God in both and enjoy ye present."

So he buys his clothes and his books, his cane and new sword, is attentive to the furnishing of his study and the mending of his watch, boots, saddle, etc.: and what time he is not travelling about the country on business we can imagine him at his house at Elton, reading, seeing to household matters, occasionally listening to a strolling fiddler and enjoying it, or to "ye man yt played of ye Hoboy," eating his cakes and sweetmeats and taking a glass of wine.

He sees all the tradesmen are duly paid, Cooper the shoemaker, Jones the taylor, the carpenter, the weaver, the apothecary, and he is even punctual in paying his doctor.

He gives to the poor on two occasions: (62) "To ye poore 4/-", and agin soon after the funeral of his brother Francies, (183) "To ye Poore œ1-13-4."

At No. 145 he goes to the Assizes at Presteign, and at No. 148 he gives œ1-10-0 to the City of Hereford, whether this was just a gift or whether he was adjudged to pay this money at the assizes in the way of a fine or other forfeiture, we do not know. Most probably it was a fine since, No. 150, 4d. is paid for an acquittance, and the Royalists were always being fined in those days.

And here we must take leave of Richard Corbett and his almanack. There is no doubt that much has been left unsaid, as a subject of this sort admits of unlimited amplification and research. However, my object will have been achieved if these few notes have served to introduce to the reader a very interesting and hitherto entirely unknown seventeenth century personality, and been the means of adding yet another chapter, however short, to the histories of Shropshire and Herefordshire.

My best thanks are due to Mr George Marshall, F.S.A., of Breinton, Herefordshire, for starting me off on the right track in the investigations which led eventually to the discovery of the owner's name, and for subsequent help, and to the late Miss Emily Lawn, M.A., for her kind assistance in searching the wills.

That same year The Country Life dated 14 October 1939 published the following article by the same author. That part of the article which repeats details previously mentioned, will be omitted.

A sketch of country life in the seventeenth century

The Richard Corbett whose pocket almanack so unexpectedly came to light not long ago on a London bookstall, was the sixth son of Sir Edward Corbett, Bt., of Leighton, Montgomershire, and Longnor, Salop. A staunch Royalist, Sir Edward was Sheriff of Shropshire in 1651, and owned several manors in that county and in Herefordshire. The great interest of this little book lies mainly in the copious manuscript notes it contains. It is very rare to get such a wealth of information combined with so important an ownership in an almanack of this period; and it is this, indeed, which makes the discovery, in its way, unique. The entries are very miscellaneous in character; just the sort of things, in fact, that a country gentleman of those days would jot down as he travelled about on business or pleasure.

In 1653, Richard, a young man of twenty-seven, was living at his father's Elton estate with two brothers, Francis and Charles, and two sisters, Martha and Margaret. Martha, the eldest of the five, and the only one married, managed the household with great capability; though Richard apparently held the purse strings. He is continually doling out small sums of money to her. One day he meets a certain "Mr Wigmore and his company" at Ludlow, a place which he frequently visits since it is only four and a half miles from Elton.

The next day these friends come to Elton, and Richard gives Martha 2s. 6d. "for wine and a cake." The Wigmores lived much as 1 "for to buy cheese at Wigmore." Also he gives her 5s. "for to pay Annes wages," Anne being Martha's maid.

Martha's husband, Captain Robert Farrer, was away during the greater part of 1653, perhaps on military service. He died in December of that year, and was buried in Elton Church, as the brass in the chancell there testifies to this day. Indeed, 1653 was a most eventful year for the Corbet family. Richard's father, Sir Edward, died on April 8th at Leighton, his eldest son, Edward, six weeks later on May 20th, and Francis the fifth son, not long after. His mother Lady Margaret Corbett (formerly Margaret Waties of Burway), had died the previous year. Sixteen-fifty-three, therefore, was a particularly busy year for our diarist. Francis and Richard were the executors of Sir Edward will; but owing to ill health, we may suppose, and finally the death of Francis, Richard would have most of the work to do. There were sales of lands mentioned in the will to attend to, debts to settle and collect, rents from many properties to receive, and other similar matters, much of which we find noted in the Almanack.

We thus find records of his journeys to many places in the surrounding district, with details of lands owned there, the rents to be received and the names of the lesees. The widow Anne Bould rented a house and garden at Leintwardine for 2 a year. Cludd's
tenement "upon ye rock" brought in 60 a year. He visits Longnor, the ancient seat of the Corbetts, where there were nine rents to collect and where his grandmother Jane Corbett then lived.

He buys three Almanacks, one for Martha, another for Charles, and the third for himself, paying 6d. for each. The information contained in these books was very miscellaneous, as can be seen from the title of this one. Thus Richard would rely mainly on his Almanack for telling him what the weather was going to be like on any given day. He would read that Easter Day would fall on April 10th, a Sunday, that the sun would be in the sign of Taurus, and the weather for then and the following four days would be "Cool and lofty gales of wind causing a serene and pleasant skie." Under this pleasant sky (for we must give the Almanack credit for being right on this occasion at least) we can imagine him riding into Ludlow soon after Easter with his brother Charles; for so it is recorded in his diary.'

They would cross the Teme by the fine old Norman bridge still to be seen there, and go on up the hill into the little town, with its streets lined with quaint overhanging timber and plaster houses. While there he visits his doctor, who is referred to several times, for Richard evidently took great care of his health. Indeed, if we can judge by the frequency of their deaths, the Corbetts must have been a delicate family. He duly pays the doctor's fee of 3s.6d. He then gives 2s. to Charles, and then does a little shopping himself.
A new cap and comb cost him 4s. Finally he visits the barber for a shave, which cost him 1s. We must not suppose that all his visits were purely on business matters. He had many relations scattered about the country, brothers, uncles, cousins, etc, whom he frequently mentions as meeting at various places.

Then there were his numerous friends, the Wigmores at Shobdon, to which place there is a record of a visit, Sir Sampson Eure at Gatley Park, only a mile or so away, and many others.

The horse was his sole means of transport; and we find records throughout his journeys of the cost of oats (10d. the strike or half-bushel), of shoeing (anything from 4d. to 2s.), of the wages and tips paid to grooms and ostlers ("to ye austler for hay 10d., to ye groome 6d.). And 'To ye Apothecary for things to drench my horse 9d.". Also he never forgets to tip the servants 6d. or 1s. He buys a mare from Mr. Morgrove for 2 17s. 6d.

It is interesting to note the tradesmen mentioned. We have already seen how Martha paid the weaver. The apothecary is mentioned twice, in connection with drugs for his horse and for himself (2s.) Then there was Jones the tailor with whom he had frequent dealings, Cooper the shoemaker (two pairs of boots cost œ1), Cole the saddle-maker and the carpenter. Anne Evans supplied him with soap. He buys a cane for 10d., a new hanger or sword for 14s., and two belts for 1.1s.

The funeral expenses of his brother Francis are duly recorded. There was the usual feast, with plenty of roast beef, short cakes, fruit and wine. There was a shilling's-worth of candles bought to set up around the corpse, in accordance with the old custom of watching the dead. Then there was the winding sheet, a fine cloth, and a coffin (which cost 10s.). The ringers at the church received 1. Finally alms were distributed to the poor to the amount of 1 13s 4d.

Meanwhile in Elton the study door wants a new lock, and fresh mats are required for the floor. His watch needs repairing, and so do his boots and saddle. He gets his table book mended (for 6d.). These books had leaves of slate, asses' skin, or other durable material which could be cleaned and used again and again. Hence it would be cheaper to repair such a book than buy a new one, in the event of the leaves getting broken, etc. Once Richard visits the assizes at Presteign in Radnorshire, and he is adjudged to pay
1 10s. to the city of Hereford. The Royalists were much persecuted by Cromwell's Government at the time, and were frequently having goods and lands confiscated or fines to pay.

... Richard with his fine cambric bands and cuffs, and his fringed gloves and ribbons, broad belt, cane, sword and top boots was a real cavalier of the times - none of your Puritans with their plain and simple attire.
He would wear his hair long and well brushed and combed; and was either clean shaven or kept his beard and moustache well trimmed - as he was always visiting the barber "for shaving". One wonders whether he had the high forehead and delicate, sensitive features of his father that look so strikingly out at us from the portrait at Longnor Hall.
The estate of Elton was left by his father to Waties Corbett, an elder married brother of Richard's; and on this brother taking possession, Richard and Charles moved to Shobdon where the former married in 1655.
Nothing further is known of these two brothers.

Shobdon apparently passed to the family descended from his brother Edward who's son, Richard married Victoria Uvedale. Their son was named Uvedale and with the death of his son, Richard, 4th Bt. of Longnor, the line expired.

Waties', mentioned in the final paragraph, grand-daughter, Jane, married John Flint, who changed his name to Corbett. His heir was Diana, who married Joseph Plymley. Their son, also Joseph, who was to become Archdeacon of Salop, took the name and arms of Corbett.

The Corbett's of Shobden Court (and those of Vaynor Park, Montgomeryshire), in whose family the name Uvedale has also been passed down, are descended from this line as are the Corbetts of Longnor, Peniarth Ucha and Stableford.