Eliciting Forest Values and “cultural loss” for Community Plantations and Nature Conservation

 

Petrina Rowcroft[1]

John Studley[2]

Keith Ward[3]

 

 

Abstract

This paper outlines a participatory method for eliciting forest values and “cultural loss” by gender and ethnic group and is illustrated with data collected from four ethnic groups who live in The Lugu Lake Nature Reserve (Ninglang County, Yunnan, China). It would appear that a set of 13 forest values are recognized by most groups, there are significant differences between the forest value sets on the basis of ethnicity/gender, and commercial values (typically used by economists for CBA & IRR calculations) only represent 6% of  the sum total of scaled[4] forest values. The methodology is based on the scaling of TEV components (forest values) resulting in a % & rank order, and is easy to replicate. It has application both for Nature Reserves and for forestry programmes predicated on normative pluriformity or co-management. Further work, however is required, to remove anomalies in the Chinese (and ethnic) terms used, to identify a suitable numinaire for Monetary-based TEV, and to evaluate the relevance of forest-related “identity” and “place attachment”.

 

Keywords: forest values, cultural loss, Lugu Lake, contingent valuation,TEV, scaling

 

The Study Area

Lugu Lake (See Map 1) is situated on the border between Sichuan & Yunnan province at an elevation of 2690.7m. It is China’s third deepest lake with a maximum depth of 935m (mean of 40.3m) and a surface area of 48.45 km2. A population of 2936 (YEDP 2003) live on its southern shore (in Yunnan) either in Luoshui, the administrative village (xingzhen cun), or in one of 11 natural villages (ziran cun). These comprise four ethnic groups: - Mosuo (40%), Pumi (15%), Yi (5%) or Han (40%), although he Mosuo are the most well known due to their matriarchal/ matrilineal society and “walking marriages” (azhu/axia)[5]. There is a total of 3,387 mu (225.8 ha) of agricultural land (ca 2 mu per person) and average per capita income is only ¥ 527.

 

History

On the basis of interviews (Studley 2003 2004) and the literature [Wellens, K. 2002 Yang Fuquan  2002] it would appear that prior to the Cultural Revolution (1966) the Pumi and Mosuo had an animistic/shamanistic tradition of nature conservation, that included sacred landscape, mediation between the human-spirit-natural world and environmental education. There is evidence that some Yi had similar traditions (Xu Jianchu et al 2004) but this was not supported at Lugu where the Yi reported that they were a “hunting minority” and historically “did not care about nature”.

 

During the Cultural Revolution (1966 – 1976) forest temples were destroyed and local Shaman were persecuted and in the words of a Pumi elder “we lost our sense of responsibility for the forest”. This was exacerbated in the 1970s and 1980s when under an expanding “socialist market economy” the forests around Lugu were clear

 


Map 1 – Lugu Lake

 

 


felled on the basis of government quotas (that exceeded annual yield) which resulted in flooding and landslides. In response the government established, in 1986, a

Nature Reserve comprising 5525ha and following China’s logging ban (Studley 1999a 1999b), in 1998, Forest Protection was instituted within forest adjacent to the reserve. Although the establishment of the Nature Reserve and Forest Protection have allowed the forests to recover (See Appendix 1) so that it is currently close to the Yunnan average  (of 220 cub m/ha) the local people were excluded, in what has been described by some as a “new enclosure movement” (Katz 1998) and nothing was done :-

  • To compensate the local people – who had previously hunted, grazed, cultivated & collected NTFP from the forest
  • to address the subsistence needs of the poor,
  • to address local forest values,
  • to restore the “cultural loss” they experienced when their lands were appropriated for the Nature Reserve
  • to incorporate traditional nature conservation & custodianship into Nature Reserve Management

 

Background To Study

During a survey conducted in 2003 under the aegis of Yunnan Environmental Development Programme (partly funded by DFID) 100% of poor farmers identified the critical nature of firewood supply & NTFP collection, the heavy workload for women and the protracted conflict this caused with the Nature Reserve (NR). Initially it was suggested that the NR be reclassified so that each village was close to a “buffer zone” but this proved expensive (¥ 3,000,000) and could not be completed within the time-frame of the project. As an alternative, it was suggested that 400 mu (ca 27 ha) of bare land within the NR be transferred (with the legal documentation) to local communities for community plantations (predicated on an ethno-forestry model). The vision for this was not only to ameliorate the firewood/NTFP crisis but to restore custodianship and traditional means of nature conservation.

 

Preparatory economics work (mid-2004) for this proposal focused only on estimating the commercial value of timber from the community plantations and neglected other sources of value placed on forest resource access and management. This is a common and fairly typical situation for such intervention/project ideas (especially when conducted on a small-scale) in natural resource and environmental contexts, where most of the components of a resource’s total economic value (TEV) affected by any proposed interventions are not included due to budget or data limitations (i.e., values for indirect, option, and non-use impacts are not able to be determined either through primary methods such as physical or human surveys, or via secondary methods such as the application of appropriate values from studies done at similar locations – or ‘benefits transfer’). Obviously, the consequence of this kind of analysis is to understate the real economic value to local communities of such interventions.

 

More generally, better understanding of the ways in which poor and environmentally-challenged communities in Yunnan value such forest resources should lead to better planning for such types of (forestry) interventions, by both explicitly incorporating such values in EIRR-type calculations and by implicitly incorporating this kind of thinking into broader State and provincial policies.

 

As a result of not fully comprehending, or incorporating the TEV of forest value sets , the State and Provincial Forest Department does not fully address communities’ needs which probably means that existing measures for joint management of National Parks, reserves, etc are less consensual and efficient (and thus more conflict-based) than they need be. Experience from around the world (Reid & Miller 1989) suggests that when nature conservation/forestry interventions are introduced ex situ, and seek legitimacy and authority through government without fully incorporating local value systems, this tends to reinforce existing divisions between local people and government, thereby increasing alienation and conflict (Guha 1992 Sherpa 1993). Natural resource expropriation by the State can lead to psychological imbalances and identity crises that may be more or less severe according to the coping strategies (e.g., social change, acceptance, mobility or – particularly – social creativity) that are adopted by various ethnic groups (See Bonaiuto, M et al 2002 Levi-Straus, 1977 Tajfel, 1978). Evidence from China suggests that bolstering of group language, culture, religion, self-identity, place attachment and nationalism are all forms of this phenomenon (Litzinger, 2000 Karmay, S. 1994)

 

Specifically in the Yunnan context, if State (and Provincial) planning was more firmly grounded in understanding local forest values and how local communities use forest resources, more sympathetic policies (i.e., as opposed to simple closure of traditional forests to local communities) for their joint management could be developed (e.g., by allowing for some forms of indirect use, for maintaining continuity of spiritual and cultural access, by preserving inter-generational environmental management knowledge and skills, by fostering place attachment etc). 

 

Better understanding of forest value composition on the part of local communities should therefore assist in the identification of better forestry projects (such as the rehabilitation of bare lands, the establishment of single-species plantations, community managed or otherwise) and in the design of National Parks/reserves policy (which is of course closely linked to other areas of natural resource management for, for example, tourism).

 

Study Approach

 

The approach to the study has been fundamentally evidenced-based, within the established theoretical and conceptual framework provided by the concept of Total Economic Value. Attempts have been made to elicit the TEV of forest value sets from a range of ethnic communities and from a range of individuals within each ethnic community in northwest Yunnan. Fieldwork was conducted in Ninglang County (Lugu Lake) in mid-January 2005, with 4 ethnically-based focus groups being held over the course of several days (including pre-testing/development of the applied community questioning techniques).The approach has been relatively rigorous in concept and design, although staff and other resources available to apply to fieldwork have been modest. Overall, the emphasis has been on trying to provide additionality to existing Yunnan Provincial Government (YPG) forestry planning and implementation practice, with information being gathered in a relatively informal yet practical and pragmatic manner.

 

One intended output of the study has been the development of a ‘quick and dirty’ approach to identifying and scaling the TEV components/forest value sets that comprise community plantations with a view to calculating TEV ( ¥) with the hope and expectation that this may be applied and replicated by YPG more widely in future.

 

The study is not strictly directly comparable with other studies of TEV composition (in China or elsewhere) which may have been written-up in academic literature and which have typically been conducted over longer time periods and larger populations with greater resources.   

 

Methodology

 

A review of academic and theoretical literature describing methods for identifying TEV in similar circumstances was undertaken.  Based on this literature, a typology of potential/likely forest values in Yunnan was developed in Kunming (including a range of non-use values based on various local ethnic circumstances and practices – see table 1 below).

 

Although no internationally agreed typology of forest values exists, coalescing under the aegis of a “post-modern” forestry paradigm (McCay 2000, Shindler & Cramer 1999, Trouvalis 2000, Schelhas 2003 Williams 2002)) there appears to be a set of at least thirteen forest values (use and non-use values) which are important to many indigenous peoples and local communities (e.g., see Brown & Reed, 2000, Rolston & Coufal, 1991 Satterfield 2001, Bengston & Zhi Xu, 1995). These values were integrated into the standard TEV framework (Chart 1) and were used as a starting point for asking communities about the types of forest values that are important to them and to ensure that both use and non-use benefits were accounted for.

 

Table 1: TEV Components/Forest Values

No.

Value

Narrative

1

Aesthetic

I/we value the forest because we enjoy the forest scenery, sights, sounds, smells, etc.

2

Commercial[6]

I/we value the forest because it provides income from timber, fisheries, minerals and tourism.

3

Recreation

I/we value the forest because it provides a place for outdoor activities.

4

Life sustaining

I/we value the forest because it helps produce, preserve, clean, and renew air, soil and water.

5

Learning value

I/we value the forest because we can learn about the environment through observation or  experimentation.

6

Biological diversity

I/we value the forest because it provides a variety of fish, wildlife, plant life, etc.

7

Spiritual

I/we value the forest because it is a sacred, religious, or spiritually special place to us or because we feel reverence and respect for nature

8

Intrinsic[7]

I/we value the forest in and of itself for its existence, no matter what others think about it.

9

Historic

I/we value the forest because it has places and things of natural and human history that matter to us.

10

Future

I/we value the forest because it allows future generations to benefit from the forest.

11

Subsistence

I/we value the forest because it provides necessary food and supplies to sustain our lives.

12

Therapeutic

I/we value the forest because it makes us feel better, physically and /or mentally.

13

Cultural

I/we value the forest because it is a place for us to continue and pass down the wisdom, knowledge and trusteeship from our ancestors

14

Identity[8]

I/we value the forest because of its historic and cultural links with our communities’ identity.

15

Place attachment4

I/we value the forest or parts of it because we feel an emotional, spiritual or psychological attachment.

 

 

In order to calculate the total economic value of forest values defined in this way, the contingent valuation methodology (CVM) appears to have potential (see Pearce, 1999). CVM is the most widely used and accepted method of valuing non-priced commodities (Portney, 1994). It is the most commonly used in environmental economics for the valuation of ecosystems throughout the world. Although it does have limitations (Diamond & Hausmann, 1994), and some indigenous people do not accept it (Colchester 2000) it is not only accepted for litigation (Portney, 1994) but increasingly by donor agencies and banks for project & policy appraisal (Whittington

1998). CVM has been used to value subsistence use of forest products (Emerton, 1996), to value "non-market" woodland and forest resources (Campbell & Luckert, 2002) in valuing the indigenous rights of Torres strait islanders to their sea estates (Campbell, 2000) tropical rainforest protection (Kramer et al, 1996) the local protection of the Krau Wildlife Reserve, Malaysia (Brandi-Hansen 2001), and the local conservation of  the Cedar Forests in Lebanon (Sattout, undated) and, in China, to assess the loss of "cultural assets" as a result of involuntary resettlement (McDonald, undated).

 

CVM can be, however, a relatively complex process not suited to rapid rural appraisals and is not necessarily appropriate for a primarily subsistence (i.e., non-monetized) rural economy; it may be expected that cash measures may have little relevance in a subsistence economy, such as exists around Lugu Lake. For the present study, it was therefore decided to scale/rank the TEV components/forest values by asking focus groups to allocate 100 thumb pins (representing the sum total of their forest values) between the forest values. This produced a measure of scale, % & ranked importance for each forest value. A series of four focus groups, covering the four ethnic communities (i.e., Han, Mosuo, Yi and Pumi), were organized and conducted in the following villages:

Table 2: Focus Groups’ Villages and Participation

Village

Ethnic Group

Total No. Participants

Male Participants

Female Participants

Puluo

Han

16

11

5

Shan Kua

Mosuo

13

4

9

Wan Jia Wan

Yi

10

5

5

Lang Fang

Pumi

15

8-10

7

 

A pre-test session was held in advance of the focus groups to ensure that the basic concept of TEV/forest values was understood and that the translation of the value components adequately conveyed their meaning to the respective communities.


Chart 1 – TEV framework including forest values


During the first focus group it was noted that the women sometimes had different views to men regarding the relative importance of certain forest values. As a result it was decided to conduct separate focus groups for men and women at each of the remaining villages. Each focus group consisted of 4-10 participants.

 

At the start of each focus group, the purpose of the meeting was explained and the TEV framework described. The TEV components were presented, and a narrative summary with relevant examples provided to clarify each forest value. Each of the components was written (in Chinese) onto a coloured circle and placed in order (for ease of recording) on a table in front of the participants. In cases where not all the participants were familiar with the characters, one of the villagers was able to translate into the local language. Once the values had been explained and described, 100 coloured pins were made available to the participants who were then asked as a group to distribute all 100 pins across the different forest values according to their relative importance to the community. It was made clear that they did not have to place pins on all the circles, and that they could also add any values that they thought were missing from the presented typology.

 

Once all the pins had been allocated, the group was asked if they were all satisfied with the resulting allocation and whether they could think of any additional values not included in the typology so far presented. In most cases, there were no changes or additions and the number of pins on each circle was counted.

 

The number of pins on each circle represented a relative scale and rank of the components of total economic value (See Charts  2 below and 3-7 and Table 3)

 

This methodology can be easily replicated, and could also be extended (with slightly increased resource implications) to incorporate derivation of cash values for forest values, using a common numinaire.

 

Chart 2 : Pumi men –  Scaled forest values/TEV component

 


Results  -- Scaled TEV components/forest values

 

Chart 3: All Groups

Chart 4- Han: Men & Women

Chart 5- Mosuo: Men & Women

Chart 6- Yi: Men & Women

Chart 7- Pumi: Men & Women


Table 3 - Ranking of  Scaled TEV Components, by Ethnicity and Gender

Han: Men & Women

Mosuo Men

Mosuo Women

Yi Men

Yi Women

Pumi Men

Pumi Women

All Groups

Life Sustaining

Intrinsic

Life Sustaining

Learning

Commercial

Cultural

Future

Life Sustaining

Subsistence

Biodiversity

Intrinsic

Life Sustaining

Life Sustaining

Spiritual

Therapeutic

Future

Intrinsic

Subsistence

Future

Commercial

Learning

Life Sustaining

Aesthetic

Intrinsic

Biodiversity

Aesthetic

Subsistence

Aesthetic

Therapeutic

Therapeutic

Intrinsic

Therapeutic

Aesthetic

Life Sustaining

Therapeutic

Intrinsic

Intrinsic

Aesthetic

Learning

Aesthetic

Therapeutic

Future

Aesthetic

Future

Aesthetic

Historic

Spiritual

Subsistence

Future

Therapeutic

Recreation

Subsistence

Future

Subsistence

Historic

Learning

Recreation

Learning

Biodiversity

Therapeutic

Subsistence

Learning

Cultural

Commercial

Learning

Historic

Historic

Biodiversity

Spiritual

Intrinsic

Recreation

Historic

Commercial

Recreation

Commercial

Recreation

Biodiversity

Future

Subsistence

Recreation

Cultural

Cultural

Spiritual

Spiritual

Recreation

Recreation

Life Sustaining

Biodiversity

Spiritual

Commercial

Cultural

Historic

Historic

Biodiversity

Biodiversity

Spiritual

Historic

Spiritual

Learning

Cultural

Cultural

Commercial

Commercial

Cultural

 

Discussion

 

The Scaling of TEV components/Forest values

 

·         For all the groups overall, the most important component is the life-sustaining functions (these are indirect use values)

·         Future (bequest) values of the forest functions are seen to be very important by most groups (indicating some notion of a relatively modest time preference and perhaps implying that the high/conventional discount rates employed in economic analysis of forestry interventions are inappropriate)[9]

·         Intrinsic, therapeutic and aesthetic values (a mixture of direct use and existence values) exceed subsistence values, which in turn exceed the commercial values (including timber production) upon which forestry interventions are typically considered

·         Commercial values only average about 6% of the sum total of scaled forest values, and only Yi groups have commercial values relatively highly-placed in the rankings

·         Only two groups (Han, and Musuo men) seem to value ‘biodiversity’ highly, although this is often a classic State/official technical rationale for forest-based interventions

·         The importance of historical, cultural and spiritual values to the Pumi is noted (and supported by earlier research - Studley, 2003)

·         Despite semantic & conceptual problems, intrinsic values[10] are relatively important to all groups except Pumi men

·         Differences between groups are greater on an ethnic basis than on a gender one.

·         Some anomalies appear to exist in the Chinese terms used, in particular with intrinsic and spiritual values. Spiritual has historic connotations with “superstition”[11] (See Anagnost 1994 Feuchtwang & Wang 1991) and so “beliefs” was used instead. Beliefs, however includes moral, religious & political beliefs which may not have been a suitable substitute.

·         It is not clear why there were difficulties distinguishing “identity” (身份价)) and “place attachment” (地方的依恋情).) It is suggested that a commonly accepted list of “alternative” Chinese words and narrative summary be adopted for further research in China (See Appendix 3). Further field testing would be required, as would translation into ethnic languages.

 

Clearly some care must be taken to not over-interpret these results, but overall they do suggest that forestry planning and forestry projects based on consideration and valuation of typical direct use values only capture a small part of the impact on local communities’ lives. The forest’s values in terms of its life-sustaining ecological functions, its continued availability for future generations and its existence (i.e., non-use) value are all considerations that planners should bear in mind.

 

‘Commercial’ values feature relatively low in these communities.

 

Generating Monetary values from TEV component/forest value sets

 

The scaling/ranking of forest values can be extended to include monetary values, from an estimation of any one component’s monetary value, which is used as a numeraire to generate monetary values for all the other components of the TEV component/forest value set.

 

In the focus groups in the present study, the numeraire varied between groups (in some cases it was ‘commercial’ values, in other cases it was ‘subsistence values). This is less than ideal, in the sense that alternative communities’ valuations of the same items would have been a more consistent (and thus rigorous) application in methodological terms.

 

Also, where only partial values were available from respondents for each of commercial or subsistence values (e.g., because groups could express values for timber but not medicinal plants or mushrooms), proportional values have had to be assumed (or derived on the basis of further and more detailed questioning) for individual component composition.

 

It was also the case in the present study that wide variability across focus groups for the monetary value of TEV was probably due to some respondents reporting values for the household, while others were reporting for the focus group (i.e., say 15 households) and others for the community (i.e., about 100+ households).

 

Additionally, it was observed that estimated values of firewood were in some cases quite different from those reported in the literature (Studley 2003)

 

For these reasons, the derived measures for TEV across ethnic groups and between men and women from this study are not formally reported but are shown, without comment, in Appendix 2

 

With the benefit of documented fieldwork experience in northwest Yunnan and the application of a suggested methodology the present study could quite easily be replicated, including for the generation of TEV components.  

 

Conclusions

 

The purpose of the study was to investigate the extent to which meaningful information about the identification and scaling of forest values (and resultant TEV) in northwest Yunnan by local communities could be collected in a relatively ‘quick and dirty’ manner and :-

·                 the applied methodology (and extensions to it) could be replicated by Yunnan Provincial Government  agencies in future

·                 the information thereby generated would provide insights to assist YPG in forest project and policy design and implementation.

·                 The study would provide the basis for further research and application globally

 

It is recognized that the Chinese State has not always pursued natural resource (including forestry) policies which have had the full interests and involvement of local communities – especially ethnic minorities – at their heart, and that resulting technical interventions have been both inefficient (e.g., because costs of management/custodianship which could have been partly borne by local communities have become entirely State-funded) and inequitable (e.g., because unnecessary diminishment and loss of resource-based ethnic culture has occurred).

Forest closures, following the 1998 logging ban, and extreme levels of exploitation

(from 1949 onwards) and resource appropriation have represented great losses to communities such as those covered in the current study. Tangible forest uses such as tree felling/timber production, firewood collection, pine needle collection, hunting, grazing and cultivation are all lost when forests are closed, and less tangible uses – such as custodianship, sacred forests, dragon culture, indigenous knowledge and education – are also typically compromised.

Although now pursued with more benign and sympathetic intentions, current State/Provincial and local policies and projects which fail to fully identify and consider local communities’ forest value composition are likely to be less sustainable (because they have less local ownership and because they do not embody a balance between economic, social and environmental values) than those which have taken these factors into account. In the context of the DFID livelihoods framework, the way in which communities value natural capital - such as forests - needs to be properly understood in terms of policies, institutions and processes such that sustainable livelihood outcomes (including a full range of cultural, spiritual and religious dimensions) can be achieved.

From the points of view of adding to both potential resource management practice and of adding to knowledge of local communities forest valuation (so that more efficient and equitable projects can be designed) the achievements of the present study can be summarised as

·               It is possible to design and apply a relatively simple field-based methodology for eliciting a range of forest values from local/ethnic communities, such that differential sources of economic value arising from a range of natural resources (including forests) can be meaningfully distinguished from one another and ranked in terms of their relative importance

·               With some rigour in clarity, consistency and application, this method can be extended to derive monetary values for different sorts of economic values, through the identification and application of appropriate numeraires

·               Valuing forest values on this basis around Lugu Lake has provided useful information for conservation planning in particular; most importantly, it demonstrates the significance and diversity of forest use in local livelihoods and household subsistence, especially for resource-poor households who have few alternatives. Plausible differences in valuation structures between ethnic communities and between men and women were recorded

·               Quantifying forest values highlights the heavy costs forest protection has imposed on local communities by cutting off legal access to vital sources of subsistence. Likewise, it demonstrates the benefits of a conservation system based on sustainable forest use according to local needs and priorities, rather than on protection and exclusion, and

·               The sum total of forest values for local populations is linked to local forestry knowledge and practices and is reflected in a range of customary management systems (incorporating a range of use and non-use values) designed to conserve highly valued forest resources. These mechanisms provide valuable building blocks for collaborative forest conservation and should be built upon by enlarging the scope of YPG policies and practice.

·               The methodology has global application and provides an apposite framework for forest management predicated on normative pluriformity (Wiersum K 1997)

 

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Appendix 1 – Tree Species

 

Tree Species                                               

Volume m3

ha

Total m3

Abies delavayi

327

118

38863.95

A. ernesti

140

8

1120

Larix potanii

265

173.3

45924.5

Picea Iikiangensis

320

510.5

163360

Pinus armandi

164

45.4

7445.6

P. densata

149

12.25

1825.25

P. yunnanensis

65

864.35

56182.75

Quercus pannosa

340

367.45

124933

Q. rehderiana

449

5

2245

Sabina recurva

158

6

948

Tsuga dumosa

319

11

3509

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


Appendix 2 - Estimated Monetary based TEV components

 

Values

Han (mixed)

TEV ¥

Mosuo Men

TEV ¥

Mosuo Women

TEV ¥

Yi Men

TEV ¥

Yi Women

TEV ¥

Pumi Men

TEV ¥[12]

Pumi Women

TEV ¥

Aesthetic

10

10000

10

19000

6

3285

12

92.30772

10

178.5714

8

0

10

1928.571

Commercial

2

2000[13]

0

0

5

2737.5[14]

13

100[15]

14

250[16]

3

0

0

0

Recreational

3

3000

3

5700

6

3285

0

0

0

0

5

0

7

1350

Life sustaining

27

27000

9

17100

22

12045

14

107.6923

14

250

9

0

4

771.4286

Learning

3

3000

8

15200

2

1095

16

123.077

12

214.2857

6

0

8

1542.857

Biodiversity

11

11000

13

24700

6

3285

3

23.07693

5

89.2857

5

0

4

771.4286

Spiritual

0

0

0

0

4

2190

0

0

6

107.1428

13

0

8

1542.857

Intrinsic

13

13000

17

32300

11

6022.5

12

92.30772

11

196.4285

6

0

9

1735.714

Historic

0

0

8

15200

6

3285

0

0

0

0

8

0

8

1542.857

Future

4

4000

9

17100

10

5475

11

84.61541

9

160.7143

6

0

14

2700

Subsistence

21

21000

11

20900[17]

9

4927.5

11

84.61541

7

125

7

0

7

1350[18]

Therapeutic

5

5000

9

17100

9

4927.5

8

61.53848

12

214.2857

9

0

13

2507.143

Cultural

1

1000

3

5700

4

2190

0

0

0

0

15

0

8

1542.857

 

100

100000

100

190000

100

54750

100

769.231

100

1785.714

100

 

100

19285.71

 

 


Appendix 3a _- Forest Values  (English & Chinese)

 

 

Values

Actual Chinese used in study

Translation of  Actual Chinese

Alternative Chinese

1 Aesthetic value

风景好

Scenic beauty

审美价值

2 Commercial Value

商业价值

Commercial value

商业价值

3 Recreational Value

户外活动场所

Recreational ground

休闲价值

4 Life sustaining Value

水土保持

Water & soil conservation

水土保持价值

5 Learning Value

学习环境知识

Learning environmental knowledge

森林知识价值

6 Biodiversity Value

生物多样性

Biodiversity

丰富的生物价值

7 Spiritual Value

信仰

Belief

心灵价值

8 Intrinsic Value

树木成林

Trees becoming forest

天然价值

9 Historic Value

3种历史

3 kinds of history

历史价值

10 Future Value

未来的希望

Hope of the future

未来价值

11 Subsistence Value

基本物质的需要

The need of necessary material supplies

用于自给自足的物质价值

12 Therapeutic Value

健康的身体

Health

疗养价值

13 Cultural Value

乡土知识传承文化

Folk knowledge & inherited culture

乡土知识传承文化价值

14 Identity Value

 

 

身份价值

15 Place attachment Value

 

 

对地方的依恋情结价值

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Appendix 3b – Forest values narrative statement

Narrative   解释

1 Aesthetic value - we value the forest because we enjoy the forest scenery, sights, sounds, smells, etc.

审美价值          -  我们认为森林重要是因为我们可以享受森林的景色,景点,动植物发出的声音和气味(如花香鸟语) 等等。

2 Commercial value - we value the forest because it provides income from timber, fisheries, minerals and tourism.

   商业价值               - 我们认为森林重要是因为它提供经济来源,诸如木材,养鱼业,矿物质和旅游开发。                                  

3 Recreation value    - we value the forest because it provides a place for outdoor activities.

   休闲价值               - 我们认为森林重要是因为它提供了一个可供休闲和户外活动的地方。

4 Life sustaining value - we value the forest because it helps produce, preserve, clean, and renew air, soil and water.

   水土保持价值           - 我们认为森林重要是因为它帮助生产,保护,清洁,更新空气,土壤和水质。

5 Learning value - we value the forest because we can learn about the environment through observation or experimentation.

   森林知识价值 -  我们认为森林重要是因为我们可以通过观察和实践学习了解森林知识。

6 Biological diversity value - we value the forest because it provides a variety of fish, wildlife, plant life, etc.

   丰富的生物价值 - 我们认为森林重要是因为它提供各种各样的鱼类,野生动物和植物。

7 Spiritual value - we value the forest because it is a sacred, religious, or spiritually special place to us or because we feel reverence and respect for nature.

   心灵价值         - 我们认为森林重要是因为它与宗教信仰有关和在心灵上的特殊地位。

8 Intrinsic value - we value the forest in and of itself for its existence, no matter what others think about it.

   天然价值        -  我们认为森林重要是因为它本身的天然存在。

9 Historic value - we value the forest because it has places and things of natural and human history that matter to us.

   历史价值        -  我们认为森林重要是因为一些重要的自然或人为的历史事件在森林里面发生过。

10Future value  - we value the forest because it allows future generations to benefit from the forest.

   未来价值       - 我们认为森林重要是因为它可以让我们后代获取利益。

11Subsistence value - We value the forest because it provides necessary food and supplies to sustain our lives.

    用于自给自足的物质价值 - 我们认为森林重要是因为它提供基本的食物和物质来源来维持我们的生活。 

12 Therapeutic value - we value the forest because it makes us feel better, physically and /or mentally.

    疗养价值 - 我们认为森林重要是因为它让我们得到身心上的疗养。

13 Cultural value -we value the forest because it is a place for us to continue and pass down the wisdom, knowledge and trusteeship from our ancestors.

    乡土知识传承文化价值 -我们认为森林重要是因为我们可以通过它来传递传统的智慧知识和护林养林经验。

14 Identity value - we value the forest because of its historic and cultural links with our communities’ identity.

     身份价值       - 我们认为森林重要是因为它跟我们这个社群的历史和文化有关系。

15 Place attachment -we value the forest or parts of it because we feel an emotional, spiritual or psychological attachment.

     地方的依恋情结价值 - 我们认为森林重要是因为我们觉得我们对森林中的某个(或几个)地方在心灵上和心理上有依恋情结。

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



[2] John_Studley@compuserve.com (for correspondence)

[4] Scaling is the assignment of numbers to objects (values) according to a rule

[5] In reality there is walking marriage, axia (♀) cohabitation & monogamy (Yuan 2000)

[6] Note that the study proposal referred to this component as “economic value”. It was changed for the purposes of the present study better to reflect the distinction between commercial (financial) use values (which provide opportunities for the subjects to generate cash incomes), and subsistence use values which do not generate cash.

 

[7] Intrinsic value has been included in the TEV framework as an explicit component of TEV However, by definition, it is methodologically impossible for humans to attach a value to it – it has thus been disconnected from the main value composition arrangement in the chart, although it was left as a valid component in the focus groups

 

[8] A further two sources of economic values were also anticipated a priori; these were ‘place attachment’ (14) and ‘identity’ (15), although they were later dropped during the focus groups as being too hard to distinguish with confidence in reporting.

 

 

[9] For most groups, the future value of the forest is represented by a combination of direct and indirect use values. Many groups saw the potential of the forest for income-generating opportunities (e.g. from tourism and medicine collection) and as a continued source of subsistence products for future generations. They also valued the future of the forest for its aesthetic appeal (for their children) and for its protection against the adverse impacts of large floods and landslides.

[10] Participants had a perception that intrinsic value related to the value of the forest as a whole, rather than the individual trees. When questioned about their understanding of intrinsic value, at least two groups responded that one tree by itself is of little value; it is only when there is a group of trees that they are able to realize their value. This response suggests that the respondents were not clear about the meaning of intrinsic value, and were assigning pins based on the value of the forest to meet their needs.

[11] The term "superstition" ( 迷信 mixin) as a pejorative description of certain beliefs and ritual practices came to China, via Japan, in the late nineteenth century. This and the subsequent campaigns against superstition has had the effect of separating practices such as shamanism & animism off as discontinuous with the other forms of belief, which  were classified as "religion" (宗教zongjiao).

[12] Pumi men do not generate any income from the forest at present

[13] The Han Value obtained income from mushroom and herb selling. Estimated (highest) sales value is ¥ 2000/yr

[14]  Mosuo women mentioned a number of commercial values but many were potential rather than realised. Mushrooms & medicinal plants are sold

[15]  Yi men sell around ¥ 100 of mushrooms a year

[16]  Yi women reported that “the community” earns ¥ 200 - ¥ 300 a year from mushroom sales

[17] Mosuo men initially suggested fertilizer had a higher value than fuelwood or medicinal herbs, but when they were asked to reallocate the pins they did so as follows  Fertilizer=3 Medicinal plants=1 Fuelwood= 4 . They estimated that a household required 4 truck loads of fuelwood a year at ¥ 1900/truck

[18] Pumi women estimated  their firewood requirement per household was 18T/yr @ 7.5c/kg