Introduction and Brief Overview of Background Material. .

1.       We may consider next what it was that Einstein was doing whilst Michelson, Hertz, Lorentz and Poincare were grappling with the foregoing* problems during the 1890s and early 1900s - as part of their ‘traditional lines of enquiry’. These and other contemporary researchers were still seeking answers to the anomalies that science had recently thrown up in regard to the behaviour of light - in the usual time-honoured ways of physics, that is, of mechanics - albeit taken to the limit. Meanwhile, in 1894, Einstein was 15 and attending his Munich High school (Gymnasium) which he found rather rigid, and stifling of natural curiosity. He excelled at mathematics and while interested in physics, the subject there was based on rote learning of rather dated texts. Maxwell’s ideas, for example, were not yet taught, never mind those of Hertz or Lorentz - whose 1892/95 theory (still developing) had not long been published. The Einstein family business failed that year and they decided to move to Milan but leave young Albert with friends in Munich, so he could complete his high school diploma there. However, after 6 months of disaffection at school, he was asked to leave - albeit with an excellent report on his mathematical abilities. This suited him as he had himself sought to leave on ‘psycho-social’ grounds (missing his family, etc). [* As described in the 'Background' section elsewhere.]

2.     In Milan, he continued self study in mathematics and probably some physics - although what texts he used seems unknown. But they must have started him ‘thinking’ and influencing the direction of his future interests. On the basis of this and his good report from Munich, he applied in 1895 to the Zurich Polytechnic (which would teach in German) but failed the entrance exam, again doing very well in mathematics. The Director advised that he first study for a Swiss high school diploma - which he did in a sympathetic school in nearby Aarau where he was allowed to pursue further his own interests in physics and related lab experiments. He soon obtained his diploma and the Polytechnic then accepted him in 1896 without further examination. He was about 17.

3.     By this point, he had decided that a future in mathematics required too much specialisation and preferred the more fundamental and general aspects of physics, later claiming that he realised he had a talent for manipulating the more general principles of science and ‘scenting’ out where any inconsistencies lay. He also maintained that his major capacity wasn’t his intellect but having the stubbornness of a mule - to keep persisting on any such problem, for years if necessary. It was thus as a near 17 year old about to enter Zurich, having read certain accounts of the physics of the day, that he formulated in his mind his famous ‘thought experiment’ concerning what one would observe if one could travel with a beam of light - at its speed. [He must have mentioned this to someone at about that time in order that it was so fully accepted in later years.] In terms of the accepted physical principles of the time - namely Newtonian classical mechanics and the later Maxwellian electrodynamics (discussed in articles by Helmholtz and Mach which he had apparently read), answers to this question from these two points of view appeared mutually incompatible. Amazingly, this early question would remain the key motivator of his continued attention to this subject for several years and as such would contrast with the differently focused problems, paths and goals of Michelson and Lorentz, albeit in this same general area of the physics of light and motion.

4.    That the young Einstein formulated such a question at all clearly implies he was indeed reading about current matters in physics by then and over the following years (ca 1896-99) - especially concerning the movement of light through the assumed ether - even though Maxwell’s equations and Lorentz's ideas were still not taught yet at the Zurich Polytechnic. But it was just these aspects that led to certain anomalies. Would that wave of light of his thought experiment, originating behind him but which he observed by turning and facing them, remain as a still, frozen, dark wave as he and that wave travelled together at its immense speed, or would it still proceed into his eyes as normal light at its usual immense speed - ie relative to him ? But at what actual (vs perceived) speed would it have to go to do that? Newton's mechanics would predict one thing while Maxwell's electrodynamics would seem to predict another. Which was correct? He struggled with such thoughts for several years before finding the only valid solution (apparently) - in June 1905. Thus, the problem with the behaviour of light that Einstein would address was not quite the same as that addressed by Maxwell, Michelson, Lorentz and Poincare, as described earlier. Would their different suggested solutions to these slightly different problems nevertheless provide the answer to both (being based on the same required principles) and if so, which solution might prove the more valid overall ? [I've struggled myself with an idea of someone travelling past the Sun at or near the speed of light towards the Earth and being accompanied by a beam of light released just at the moment he passes the Sun. Do both take 8 minutes to reach the Earth and if so, how would the same beam of light appear to the traveller at his side? Does it depend on where the clock is situated ?]

5.      It appears that there was at the time (ca 1900) some concern abroad about certain inconsistencies in the physics of light reported over the previous decade - following growing acceptance of Maxwell’s ideas - as a stimulus to Einstein periodically to re-visit his early thought experiment. Similar inconsistencies in earlier actual experiments and explanations about light - concerning its velocity, frequency and direction (as by Fizeau, Doppler and Bradley, for example) of which he would gradually become more familiar while studying at Zurich - must have implied similar confused results to those of Michelson (of whose experiment, on the other hand, he would later say he was not sure he was then aware) - that is, in showing an unexpected constancy in light’s speed and/or no clear evidence for the role of a still ether medium in its transmission. Was the motion of light affected by the motion of its source and/or of its assumed medium - as in air, a vacuum, through running water or from a moving Earth through a still ether, etc, etc? With no support found for a still ether, light's speed would possibly not be hindered thereby which may have accounted for its odd, unexpected constancy. One wonders if such findings, if not by Michelson then comparable findings by those earlier workers, may have led Einstein to an early suspicion about that suggested constancy and hence to a deeper analysis of Maxwell's electromagnetic equations. Would it mean that no matter how fast one travelled, light would/must always move away from its source (and such an observer!?) - at its one constant speed, as Maxwell's equations now (ca 1902) seemed to suggest - at least to Einstein? But, how could this be? That is, would light's speed remain constant at whatever speed any observer and his associated frame of reference was travelling (relative to whatever speed the frame of reference was moving on which the light's source was located)? It would seem to be counter-intuitive to traditional understanding.

6.    On the other hand, light’s speed was seemingly still expected to vary by most other workers whenever its source moved (despite Maxwell’s equations). Even Maxwell himself, it seems, hadn't really taken on board the apparent universal reality and implications of its apparent constancy (in all situations). He had also maintained some belief in a role for an ether in light's transmission which itself may well affect its otherwise constant speed. [Note: One must be careful in analysing experiments in which the time taken for a body to move from a to b (even if that 'body' be a ray of light) might be confused with the velocity of that motion; ie is the distance travelled necessarily always the same ?]

7.      While completing his studies, continuing to keep abreast of such contemporary ideas as best he could - as well as learning about earlier findings pertaining to this general area of concern in German publications, Einstein eventually gained non-academic employment just after the turn of the century. Nevertheless, he would continue to wrestle with essentially this same basic problem for several more years (1902-1905) - before finally resolving it satisfactorily before anyone else. [Some would say 'just before'.] We have enquired above how other researchers of the time were conceiving such problems in this same general area. Clearly, they had something to do with the propagation of light in its generally accepted medium or carrier - the ether. But, was it the motion or not of the latter or the constancy or otherwise of the former that concerned them most, if either?

8.      To reiterate our earlier remarks in this regard, the problems in this general area seem to have arisen mainly out of Maxwell’s conclusions regarding the character of light as it pertained to the contrary views of Fresnel and Stokes with respect to the motion of the generally assumed ether and its role as the medium for light. Maxwell seems to have believed that his new conception of light as an electromagnetic wave should still be propagated by means of an essentially still ether, if not now one of assumed elastic constitution. This had long been accepted. To this end, he suggested a means of testing this proposition although felt the effects concerned would likely be too subtle to be found by then current methods. However, this challenge was soon taken up by Albert Michelson - firstly in 1881 and later with Morley in 1887 (as described in detail earlier). Maxwell’s suggestion entailed measuring the relative motion of the Earth through the assumed still ether and relied upon differences in the velocity of light sent through the ether from and in the direction of that moving Earth (compared to light travelling at 90 degrees to this direction) to establish this. Thus, paradoxically, he appeared to be going against his own (or, later, Einstein's) conclusion that light's speed was in fact a universal constant regardless.

9.      After some period of ambivalence, Einstein (more than others) seems eventually (ca 1903) to have taken on board that the implication of Maxwell’s equations was that light’s speed was indeed an invariable constant and also (unlike Maxwell himself) that it didn't require an ether for its transmission (or, as Lorentz believed, as a source of physical or electromagnetic influence on the dimensions of bodies (and the time they took) passing through its assumed absolute stillness). Thus, various interpretations were advanced (eg by Lorentz), consistent with the mechanical model, to accounted for the awkward absence of any variation in light's speed under such conditions and the related support expected for the existence a still ether. Presumably therefore, the realisation and implications of any actual constancy of light's speed was frustrated and delayed. Moreover, neither Maxwell nor Michelson appeared to be seeking information that pertained directly to the question of the variability or otherwise of light's speed in any case; its assumed variability when originating from a moving vs stationary source and travelling through an ether 'wind' (despite the interpretaion given his equations by Einstein) was, it seems, generally assumed to be the case. Lorentz was of this same view. [Does the fact that the observers were also moving with the Earth affect this interpretation ?] Such expected variation in the speed of light was simply to be utilised as a convenient means to establish or confirm in particular the existence and effectively opposing motion of a still ether per se - thereby further confirming its role and indeed existence as the medium for (an electromagnetic form of) light and, as later hypothesised by Lorentz, as a previously unsuspected influence of the size (length) of material bodies passing through it and an associated effect on the passage of time. [One wonders what their conclusions would have been had their expectations been achieved ?]

10.      There appears to be no reference in the relevant papers by either author about seeking to establish anything about the constancy of the speed of light itself (more the contrary), nor (initially) anything concerning a role that such an assumed still ether (as a medium), if so confirmed, may also have as a system of absolute rest - one that might pertain to concerns about...anything (as eg testing Newton's ideas about 'real' motion, real size or real time in mechanics, say) - at least not in explicit terms that were ever specified in the published reports of these two famous experiments (ie before ca 1904 when that absoluteness eventually became relevant to Lorentz with respect to electromagnetic effects of bodies moving through an assumed still ether). This implies that they were also not particularly interested in addressing anything about the validity of the existing principle of relativity (even though Micheslon's results could, I believe, be interpreted in terms of addressing/testing this important question). However, the still ether being assumed by Michelson would, as mentioned, later prove to be of interest to Lorentz - as an explanation of how light's unexpected constancy in those experiments could be accounted for (as just touched upon) in terms of a shortening of the apparatus used in its measurement, coupled with a less well explained variation in the associated times taken for that motion as any body passes through it. Apparently on the basis of reviewing Lorentz' papers of 1895 and 1898, Poincare in 1899 (and also in 1900 and 1902) had recalled the principle of relativity and had concluded that it applied only to the motion of matter and not to either light or the ether. He doesn't appear to have altered this view before 1904 or so but eventually felt that a new mechanics was probably needed to somehow also incorporate light's behaviour under its perview.

11.      The hypothesised role of a truly still ether as part of Lorentz's later ideas (of ca 1895 and 1898) would appear to have been known by Einstein by about 1903 or so. When he eventually set out his own views on this area of concern (in his famous paper of 1905), he begins by referring to just this matter - in terms of the 'oversight' he felt was the case with respect to the symmetry that characterised the induction of a current. For the asymmetry generally assumed implied an acceptance or assumption of absolute motion vis a vis a truly fixed reference criterion by which means only could such motion be established. The appropriate reference points, he maintained, were however always equally relative, balanced and symmetrical, never one of them being absolute or somehow having priviledge, primacy or precedence (as more 'still') and thus the relationship asymmetrical. One wonders if others before him ever addressed this matter? Possibly Mach and/or Poincare? In any case, the implication was rather fundamental: there was no need for a still ether in some absolute sense - at least to provoke electromagnetic changes; the relative motions of the relevant elements could provoke each other (if such did in fact occur). Also, it meant that all motion was relative and symmetric and thus everywhere of equal significance on outcomes. No still ether or absolute motion based on same was required nor was there evidence for same. Another explanation was required for whereever that explanation was suggested (like mutual symmetry).

12. [Note: One might also point our here that Einstein was not trying to explain (as had Lorentz) an unexpected constancy in light's speed (in order to save the conclusion that would otherwise have been supported concerning the role of the ether medium in light's propagation), as found by Michelson with his particular experimental arrangements, as Einstein would actually have expected that constancy (had he been aware of that result) although claimed he was not then aware of Michelson's experiment (nor of Lorentz's or Fitzgerald's' immediate explantions). Rather, he sought to resolve his different question - namely, that if his interpretation of Maxwell's equations was right regarding the constancy of the speed of light, but Maxwell's ideas about an ether medium weren't, how could he explain certain* phenomena (which would later be more succinctly interpreted in terms of an incompatibility between that constancy and a principle of relativity that underlay Galileo's and Newton's mechanics)? The answer would however seem to entail some familiarity with and assistance from the ideas of Lorentz and Poincare (who were in frequent correspondence) which eventually emerged out of that earlier, if (to Einstein) essentially unknown, experiment by Michelson. Because of this and the fact that Einstein's solution to his question would however bear directly on Lorentz's answer to his different problem, the exposition of Einstein's approach and solution is often described in retrospect in terms of the contrasting Michelson-Lorentz-Poincare interpretation - as though Einstein followed on directly from their approach - essentially to solve their problem by his own methodology. Apparently, he didn't; he was pursuing his own agenda - but describing that on its own terms alone seems generally to have been avoided by many historians of science - as it proved useful in accounting for Michelson's and Lorentz's conclusions also.]

[* It would be useful to elaborate upon such phenomena here - ie beyond the basic elements pertaining to his 'thought experiment' with its 'conceivable' frozen waves - or not. That is, what was it that still remained inexplicable once one had accepted that light would always speed away no matter at what speed its source or any observer travelled - that is, before concerns about the principle of relativity informed his quest? Seemingly, it was eventually resolved (in part?) in terms of the invariable reliance of information concerning spatial size/length and time (ie on any distant body's velocity) on light signals. This is elaborated further below. The other part may have been the constraints placed on velocity by the 'ceiling' of maximum possible velocity (attainable only by light), although these could well be two ways of saying/accounting for the same thing.]

13.      It should be possible therefore to delineate Einstein's solution of his distinct problem - independently from and without such frequent reference to those of Michelson, Lorentz et al - as the literature seems so typically to do. It is possible that Lorentz's later writings, with some of which Einstein no doubt did become familiar, made little or no direct reference to Michelson and the earlier, initial relevance of same to those later ideas of Lorentz. So Einstein may have been indirectly (and unknowingly) addressing Michelson's results nevertheless. And while it may have seemed probable that Einstein would be familiar with Lorentz's definitive paper of 1904 (as it bore so strongly on the very topics Einstein was soon to address), he had in fact allegedly not seen it before his own paper was written and sent to the publishers by late June 1905. And the 3 relevant papers referred to by Lorentz in that 1904 article (published in English journals) - by Rayleigh (1901), Trouton and Nobel (1902) and Brace (1903) - were very likely also unknown to Einstein. In these, negative results regarding the variability of the speed of light were again obtained (as they had been with Michelson) all of which Lorentz felt he could now explain in terms of his 'ether dependent contraction hypothesis' - as described more formally within his new (1904) electron theory.

14.       We should note however that his new transformations (derived earlier) may have eventually provided Einstein with the quantitative framework or structure by means of which his own qualitatively different interpretations could be realised - by means of essentially the same equations. On the other hand, Einstein often referred to the transformations as the 'Lorentz transformations' (ie when writning about relativity some years later) when, in fact, he may well have been referring to those of identical form which in fact he had himself derived independently, simply referring to them now as 'Lorentz's' as a courtesy or as short-hand, they having been so accorded by Poincare by about 1904. This, I feel, has the disadvantage of associating those transformations too much with Lorentz alone and his ether-based concepts. We may note here that, as suggested above, neither Michelson nor Lorentz (in seeking to 'save' the former's experiment) were initially seeking evidence from those 1881/1887 experiments concerning the effects of a still ether (or anything else) on the dimensions of matter, nor on any variations in time. This seems to have been generally overlooked in later analyses, this focus only becoming central after the appearance of the Fitzgerald/Lorentz hypotheses by the early to mid-1890s.

[Note: One would like to know just when any implications of the original principle of relativity were brought to bear upon these matters during the 1890s. When did Lorentz firsst bring this principle into his discussions (as presumably brought to his attention by Poincare in their frequent correspondence - ca 1896-1904?).]

15.      If light's speed had been accepted and recognised (after Michelson) as a true constant, it would - ie after that principle became a consideration - have provided the one and only known means by which it would (in theory) be possible to determine whether one was at rest or moving in a real, absolute sense - something which the principle of relativity for mechanics dictated should never be possible; all laws should operate identically in all uniformly moving frames (and in any absolutely still frame if such was ever available) such that there would be no way to distinguish such motion (or stillness) from that which could occur in any other frame. Thus, all observers (or their measuring instruments) should find all laws of nature identical wherever they were and whatever their differing respective (uniform) speeds relative to each other may be. If light could somehow over-ride this dictum (by not reflecting the speed of its own frame of reference as well as that inherent in itself - in relation to that of another frame - it would prove to be a worrying anomaly. One would apparently be able thereby to determine if one's own frame was the one moving or still in some absolute sense vis a vis some other frame. But was this implication ever considered, voiced or tested at that time (eg ca 1899)? As far as I can see, it wasn't then so considered in these terms - even though so much research was focused on this general area. [One wonders who in fact did first consider this aspect - Lorentz and/or Poincare, or was it only Einstein ? No, it was Poincare, I believe; but it was one of those crucial 'ingredients' which they couldn't quite fit into the final picture.]

16.      Poincare suggested the relevance of the principle of relativity (as referred to by him, I believe) in 1899, 1900 and 1902 (see references in......) which was then 'picked up on' by Einstein who apparently 'saw' its true significance more than most (including Lorentz). Light should, he would later reason, also prove consistent with this same underlying principle. Its law should thus be unaffected by differently moving reference frames and, like all other 'mechanical' laws, that reality should be revealed in the true net values obtained after the application of one and the same form of appropriate transformations equations. It was the 'laws' per se which should remain unaffected (directly) if the principle of relativity must hold true, not the consequent velocities which albeit they (relatively indirectly) so determine.]

17.      The same basic considerations were eventually discussed in terms of 'inertial systems', invariance and transformation equations, etc. This general area would no doubt have increasingly informed Einstein's thinking during 1904. [Note: Such references (as here) to the dictates of a principle of relativity are an example of the difficulties that arise when certain factors in the evolution of Einstein's thinking and theory are taken out of their proper (if often uncertain) chronology. When considered in retrospect, it is too easy to make assumptions about just when a given aspect, especially if seen later to be more fundamental than initially realised, was first considered and integrated into the sequence of a still emerging logic. Thus, it appears to me that we can't be certain just when the principle of relativity, say, began to inform or guide the focus of his (or anyone else's) resolution of 'the problem'; nor how fully. But as it gradually (or even suddenly) became an important element to consider (likely around 1903/4, one would assume that its early manifestations would be 'those uncertain phenomena' referred to above which would be more succinctly formulated and expressed later as 'the incompatibility between the constancy of light and this fundamental principle' - as it then stood. [I can now appreciate that they probably did exist - in terms at least of the above mentioned inertial systems, etc but, again, not necessarily as early as later reviewers seem to suggest. It seems quite possible that after his insight into the relevance of how Time should be measured that the particular problem that this helped resolve (ie an ether-less explanation with which he had been struggling for so long) could be later seen as a specific case of the more general problem of how to reveal that the two basic 'laws' were really compatible all along; that is, his 'breakthrough' didn't result in the first instance by considering the problem from that much more general principle approach alone.]

18.      In any case, for seemingly other reasons, at least initially, Fitzgerald and Lorentz had taken up the challenge of Michelson's negative results in this regard - in order (effectively) to maintain the consistency of the mechanical model vis a vis Fresnel's view of the mainly still ether as the assumed medium for light. Maxwell and Michelson were (as mentioned above) seeking essentially to confirm and/or establish this, I believe. [All this has been described above but has relevance here also.] Such an orientation may have served also to rekindle interest in the idea of Newton's fixed reference system of an immobile, absolute space with a principle of relativity in which (without ever being mentioned seemingly) time and space would also continue to be quite reasonably assumed to be independent, absolute and invariable - as they had always (and seemingly had only ever) been so considered. All or even just some of this (including relevant inertial system considerations, invariance and valid transformation equations) was (eventually) riding on the ultimate validity or otherwise of Lorentz's efforts - which by about 1904 was felt by many (including Poincare) to have been virtually attained if, that is, one could just formulate a kind of 'new mechanics' to resolve one or two remaining difficulties (as regarding some logic for his explanation about time's seeming and required dilation) - for the 'old mechanics' had been stretched to (or even beyond?) its very limits.

19.      It may have been such generalists who realised that it shouldn't have been possible to determine one's absolute motion by using a feature of mechanics (in which camp optics (as everything) was still assumed to fall) - ie the motion of light in its medium. To do so would require a special dispensation for that still ether medium. [See also discussion on this point by Einstein in our summary of his 1916 book below.] One has inserted the qualification 'eventually' in the above as it is still unclear if any such 'effective' concern (re the mechanical model and its associated (classical) principle of relativity) was at all to the fore by ca 1900-02, say - rather than that all researchers at the time were simply taking all that for granted and simply trying to explain certain anomalies in the time honoured ways of the only known model - mechanics - whose dominant position wasn't, I believe, yet being directly questioned. For some reason, it was often formulated in terms of whether or not the Earth or even the Solar system moved in absolute terms vis a vis a still ether (as an absolute reference system, as per Newton). If this question was relevant because it implied certain other relationships (re the mechanical principle of relativity), mention of any such implications seem to have been studiously avoided by Maxwell, Michelson and Lorentz (initially) in the most quoted papers of the day - ie before ca 1904. There concern was limited to the propagation of light through the ether.]

20.      However, Poincare would eventually suggest (seemingly before Einstein) that there was probably no such thing as absolute rest or motion - as represented by a still ether, say (as Mach had also stated some years earlier) or seemingly by any other method, and hence that the principle of relativity should apply without any such special consideration to light or its medium - ie in all situations, whether mechanical or electrodynamic. As such, the latter must somehow 'fit in' to existing principles of mechanics and thus do so within its own constraints without invoking absolutivity. That is, that the aforementioned distinction of who is or is not really moving should not be determinable if there is no absolute fixed point or system of reference (as a still ether) even with the seeming constancy/independence of light's velocity. But, (in a sense 'paradoxically'), that only available principle (in Poincare's eyes) presumably still retained 'its' conceptions of invariable/constant/absolute time and space (ie possibly implicitly; I'm not aware that this was ever questioned overtly by these researchers or any alternative considered before Eimstein's 1905 'bombshell'). However, any conceptions of these that conceivably may have been considered instead as relative and/or varying would not reasonably emerge simply by noting any 'inconsistency' within this odd 'balance' or symmetry of these converses. A much more indirect and analytic evolution of this idea would, it seems, be required - arising out of the insistent demands of the implications of the unyielding constancy of the velocity of light vis a vis an apparently necessary, inevitable principle of relativity (seemingly with no still ether as a reference criterion to complicate such principles, short of it requiring some 'special case' interpretation). [NB The actual symmetry in current induction may also feed into this interpretation.] But the necessary 'malleability' of time and space (underlying velocity) that would allow this had yet to be appreciated or, if appreciated, to have its origin rationally accounted for. It was still 'just around the corner' - in Einstein's study.

21.      Thus Poincare felt that the relativity principle that he advanced in 1902, 1904 and 1908 (and earlier) needed a more complete 'explanation' by which its application specifically to the matter of light's propagation could somehow be better reconciled - ie in that 'new' mechanics (but seemingly still 'of the ether') that he felt was needed - because Lorentz's mathematics still required awkward post hoc 'adjustments', especially with respect to Time which, with Space, were of course the two fundamental components of all calculations of the motion and velocity of any body, including light). In effect, Einstein did this such that the central implication of the principle of relativity - of never being able to distinguish one's absolute motion vis a vis others by means of any law of nature - mechanical or otherwise (ie by utilising light despite its constant speed) - was somehow maintained whereas in Lorentz's theory this was the case only if the awkwardness of light via its still ether was accepted. It seems that Einstein found Poincare's reference to the principle of relativity (around 1903/4?), and the need for it to have a 'new explanation', provided him with that more general principle of physics that he came to believe was necessary - to (?finally) resolve the problem as he saw it, rather than proceeding any further by the more usual hypothetico-deductive, trial and error methods of mechanical science, with which he was (even theoretically or with thought experiments) making little or no progress through 1904.

22.      In one of the many chatroom dialogues concerning relativity one contributor comments on another's remarks when citing Lorentz (written 1914; published 1921) as "questioning Einstein's acceptance (in 1905) that his variable time (t') in a moving reference frame represented a true time - as represented by t of his 'local', stationary frame. He called the variables of the moving frame - ie x' and t' especially - as just "subsidiary quantities' introduced with the aid of a mathematical trick (and)..phenomena in the moving reference system could not be described in the same way as in the stationary system." [See later for details on the 'kinematic' analysis by Einstein in which these 'variables' are set out and analysed. We may note here also that this same criticism had been made with respect to Lorentz's own 'arithmeric tricks' when trying to account for his own time dilation aspects! Lorentz seems to have used the same symbols but reversed them as to the moving (Earth) and stationary (Ether) systems.] Now this quotation by Lorentz seems a little vague and abstract and may have been an initial view by him only; one would like more detail and specificity. Apparently, Lorentz's 1904 paper supports this initial stance in that his transformations were not, in his view, relating space-time measurements of the same event in the different inertial systems. Lorentz also wrote later (1921) that Poincare was indeed the one who had first formulated (or simply recalled?) the principle of relativity (not stating when or where), as well as providing the first 4-dimensional formulation of mechanics - before Minkowski.(But when and where was this first published?)

23.     Thus, Lorentz apparently credited Poincare (who for some time also believed in a role for ether) as the true father of 'special relativity' and so rejected the idea of giving Einstein the Nobel prize on that basis. As Poincare was then dead, the committee apparently gave Einstein the prize instead for his important work on the photoelectric effect. Einstein had once agreed with Lorentz (in a letter 17 June 1916) that the special relativity theory does "..admit of an ether hypothesis..." although I believe he meant that while the ether theory wasn't inconsistent with relativity, the latter didn't require an ether and entailed fewer ad hoc hypotheses; as a result it was simpler and more credible. While Einstein was supposed not to have read Lorentz's 1904 paper before sending his own 1905 paper to the publishers, the contributor here quoted notes that the 1905 paper used the same notation as used in Lorentz's 1904 paper, and it begins the proof of the new transformations from the Galilean transformation - just as Lorentz had done earlier. But quite possibly such notation was then newly 'current'; why did Lorentz use it otherwise? Was it not based on Maxwell ? In any case, Einstein later agreed that he did know Lorentz's 1895 paper if not the later ones. And derivation of new transformations would quite naturally begin by modifying the existing ones, one would assume, as that would allow one to show why they had been inadequate and where they had to be modified.

24.      [Did Poincare's 1902 reference to the principle of relativity imply that there were few if any earlier references to this principle before then - despite Lorentz and Hertz apparently also being concerned with related problems, if only implicitly ? But by what date? [I have an uncertain reference to Maxwell also referring to this long accepted principle as early as 1875 and Poincare in 1898 and 1900.] In any case, did Einstein see this general principle as possibly the best way to discover some explanation for Lorentz's space and time adjustments (which he suspected were somehow necessary) - but without an ether - eg after having his insight regarding Time (see below) and (?later) his seeming 'thought trial' of accepting, and 'holding fast to', the constancy of light's velocity - and seeing just 'where the chips (regarding time and space possibly) would fall in any improved transformations' ? [Note: A German researcher, Voldemar Voight (1850-1919), had already derived a form of the 'new' transformations before either Lorentz or Einstein - in 1887. They were with respect to a stationary frame sent into motion at velocity v along a coordinate x designed to better analyse the Doppler effect. It did not (as Voight himself later admitted) pertain to a general coordinate transformation as would apply in special relativity. He seems to have followed Maxwell's approach. See also later in this regard.]

25     A central 'problem' in physics by the early 1900s was thus essentially the fact that while the speed of light would (as Einstein believed) turn out to be constant, this was not generally appreciated nor 'taken on board' as a truly universal principle/reality by most other researchers at the time. For, implicitly, it didn't accord with the unquestioned model of Galileo's and Newton's mechanics and the implied principle of relativity (as it then stood, if generally taken for granted and hardly considered) - with its classical transformations and reasonable implication that, in a mechanical world, everything's speed relative to any defined external frame of reference was the total sum of its own speed plus (or minus) that of the associated frame on which it and its source may be moving. [Nor was the role of that principle of relativity yet appreciated - vis a vis this still uncertain light principle.] Such speeds of motion would be based upon the only conceptions of time and space (the components of speed) that had ever been considered - both being unquestioningly constant. A role for a still ether (of ultimately substantive/mechanical properties) seems to have been an assumed element in this stance as well. [Presumably, this is an example of the consequences of the aforementioned problem of being able to distinguish thereby one's motion, etc. One might point out here that all other bodies only move after the application of some force and that an existing moving reference frame (when viewed from elsewhere), constitutes an effective additional force - whereas light (alone) seems to move without any such impelling force; it is self-initiating and propagating and is apparently oblivious to any such additional (source-based) forces - of either kind. But, mote precisely, its velocity is already 'at the limit', and constant. Maybe there is an implicit 'force; impelling (or releasing?) it. What happens when a candle is lit ?

26.      Awkward results of experiments with light due possibly to the unrealised constancy of its speed were thus explained instead by advancing various hypotheses concerning the motion or otherwise of light's assumed ether medium and, later, by the electro-dynamic effects on bodies moving through the atter's assumed absolute stillness. But if light's invariable constancy [I am aware that the term 'invariable' is redundant here, and elsewhere, but has been thus used for emphasis] had been recognised earlier, there may have been more focus directed to certain unstated assumptions underlying the elements of all motion (including the principle of relativity) and thereby resolve many of the confusing results obtained in the past. In particular, Poincare wouldn't be so dissatisfied with Lorentz's 'adjustments' of space and time (the very phenomena, ironically, to which such unconcious assumptions pertained) to allow his new equations to fit the facts. By dispensing with the ether that Lorentz said caused these effects, Einstein would (with the principle of relativity now resting on his shoulders as it were (if pointed out by Poincare) and, once generalized, guiding him) eventually question such assumptions [but only after his principle ot relativity, simultaneity and time insights?] and account for the consequent (and still necessary) 'adjustments' more thoroughly and acceptably, if possibly not as easy to comprehend.

27.     Also in 1904, Poincare delivered a most prescient lecture in America in which he appears to have appreciated earlier than most that the principle of relativity must surely apply to all laws of nature and that because of the extreme accuracy of Michelson's experiment, its implications about the role of both the ether and the gradually accepted non-variability of light's speed indicated (as mentioned above) the (existing) principle must be somehow more fully 'explained' (but within a new mechanics) in a way that was more consonant with those findings (and being unable to determine who was really 'moving'). He felt that Lorentz was very close but that his contraction and local time hypotheses (designed in effect to overcome that 'problem') were too arbitrary (and also, contrary to Newton, restricted to speeds slower than light). Poincare apparently did recognise that a better analysis and interpretation of the role of time and 'simultaneity' of events in particular, would be helpful; particularly as Lorentz's 'explanation' in this regard was suspect - being merely a mathematical 'device' to fit the facts (oddly, the same criticism levelled by Lorentz regarding Einstein's analysis). How close he seems to have been in his publications on either side of 1905 - the year of Einstein's largely independent 'breakthrough' ('independent' but quite possibly benefitting from Poincare's recent ideas). But did Poincare relate such recognition to the effects, if any, of observations from differently-moving frames of reference ? Did he (then) appreciate that light's speed was quite possibly a (true) constant? And did he ever agree that the ether (still or otherwise) was not a sustainable concept ? [Yes - eventually to the latter point at least, but not to the others, I believe. What a brilliant mind he must have had! One can see how Lorentz may have felt that Poincare, possibly because of his earlier attempted analysis of time and simultaneity, had actually'discovered' 'special relativity' - just before Einstein. But this was not generally accepted by most later analysts.]

28      While Poincare hadn't by this stage formulated his ideas into a coherent final form, he did thus recognise the fundamental place in any such 'new mechanics' of (an inertia based) principle of relativity which (he eventually realised) required all laws of nature to function identically for 'stationary' and uniformly moving observers alike such that neither group could know if they were the ones truly moving or moving the faster or not. This was why he said a 'better explanation' was needed with respect to that principle (as if intuitively realizing that it required some re-interpretation in respect of the inherent components (time and space?) which the different velocities with which it was concerned - but couldn't quite 'see' how this could be done. Like everyone else, he apparently continued to assume that time and space were absolutes which never varied. [But he did address the matter of simultaneity: to what purpose exactly?]. It appears that he also continued to accept that light's speed needn't necessarily be unvarying, I believe. Or did he soon come to accept this constancy as a 'law' of nature - eg by the time of his 1906 paper on dynamics of the electron? In 1908, he again emphasised that the principle of relativity was a general law of nature and that there was no way to obtain evidence for anything except relative motion. Einstein had also concluded this by ca 1904 but Poincasre never mentions Einstein in any of his many papers and nor did Einstein ever refer to Poincare. Most odd. Egos?

29. ;  If then one accepts that Michelson's findings had been as precise as one could obtain, they must accord with that principle (ie provide support for it) and to do that (in view of the lack of an expected variability in light's speed via its ether) some improved 'explanation' of the principle was needed in which (therefore) more realistically founded 'adjustments' in the intrinsic components of such motion or non-motion - (ie in our measures of time and distance?) - must somehow be incorporated. Those proferred by Lorentz seemed too inadequate and, to his credit, Poincare appears to have realised that (as mentioned above) a better conception of Time especially - analysed in terms of 'simultaneity' - may prove relevant - but seemingly not in terms of the same logic as Einstein - ie in terms of a symmetric balance as between differently moving observers, having no fixed reference point like a still ether, etc to afford either any primacy or precedence (or electromagnetic influences?) when having to rely on an inevitable 'lag' in receiving information concerning the time and distance variables of the velocity of any distant and differently moving body. Seemingly, Poincare hadn't appreciated such an explanation ? He was, after all, a mathematician, not a physicist, and yet his interests were very much in physics. As mentioned briefly above, this explanation by Einstein has yet to be elaborated in our present analysis and in fact does not appear to be made very explicit by him even in his 1905 paper which we shall be analysing below. (Even though it appears to have 'come to him' just hours before he wrote out his paper on that basis.) However, it is described in Einstein's biography by Albrecht Folsing (1993; translated 1997) which is more fully considered later; but this particular element may be usefully anticipated in conjunction with our prior analysis of the 1905 paper as it can, I believe, assist in interpreting the kinematic equations derived therein by Einstein when presenting his new theory; for he tends to avoid such reference to the perceptual activities of the observer or recording instruments that would necessarily be involved when actually measuring (empirically) the motion of bodies on a distant and differently moving reference system (even though these explanatory aspects themselves only 'came to him' in theory).

30.     Newton's mechanics would predict that speeds beyond that of light should in theory be possible (presumably for actual bodies) whereas Lorentz saw that as an upper limit, after which problems of infinity of mass apparently obtrude. Poincare saw in this the idea that inertia in a moving body could probably only increase up to the speed of light (as mass increases to some limit and sufficient 'force'must not be available to further accelerate even something of such small mass as light). However, he still seems not to have considered that light's speed may have, as a consequence, been a true constant. While he apparently believed [on what basis?] that all laws of nature had to (?should) conform to this dictum, he didn't appear ready to accept (as asked about above) that one such law - in the electrodynamic sphere - would allow one to know who was moving if that law was (wrongly) taken as allowing light's speed through an ether to vary, and assumptions about time and space underlying motion (and the principle of relativity) were not fully recognised and more acceptably/rationally explained 'corrections' made thereto.

31.     What was needed was someone who combined Lorentz's understanding of the physics of electrodynamics with Poincare's capacity to analyse and apply logically the most general principles of nature. Einstein alone (at that time) seems to have possessed just this combination to which was added a clearer appreciation of the apparent implications of Maxwell's equations - ie the ?likely constancy of the speed of light - coupled with an acceptance that there was no need for a still ether, nor any 'real, absolute motion' vis a vis some such 'fixed' reference system (as Lorentz felt necessary for his electrodynamic contraction hypothesis). However, it should again be mentioned that Poincare (1854-1912) would in 1906 publish his important paper on the dynamics of the electron, based on the latest ideas of electromagnetism (as advanced initially by Hertz and more recently Lorentz presumably), and apparently deduced essentially the same conclusions about the theory of special relativity as had Einstein - despite working quite independently of each other and, apparently, having not yet read Einstein's German paper. His ideas were, however, said to be restricted to a narrower compass than Einstein's - ie to electromagnetic phenomena only (as light) - and not to the electrodynamic implication for all moving bodies conceived as part of a single continuum - with its implication for variations in time and space measures over all magnitudes of the velocity of moving bodies. Nevertheless, such independent approaches which arrive at basically the same general conclusions greatly strengthens the probable ultimate validity and acceptance of same. Poincare was an outstanding French mathematician whose enormous contributions to science in that field apparently out-shone his more peripheral and sporadic activities in physics - as he so cleverly 'inched' his way nevertheless towards Einstein's slightly earlier-reported and more general conclusions.

32.      It appears then that ‘the problem’ (the 'difficulties') as seen by most other contemporary physicists through the previous decade (1890s) (including Michelson’s and Lorentz's views of it) was being approached by a different, if more traditional, route than it (or a similar problem) would be either by Einstein ('from elementary considerations (eventually) involving the motion of bodies, light's constancy, time, signalling and accepting no ether) or by Poincare (pertaining and 'limited to imponderable electromagnetic phenomena', rather than the motion of all bodies, ponderable and imponderable alike). Einstein would (eventually) see it primarily as a matter of making compatible those two seemingly incompatible basic realities/principles of physics (or nature) - viz: the constancy of light’s speed - as indicated to him by Maxwell’s equations, if not yet fully appreciated by most apparently (and certain related findings pertaining to measurements of light) - and the long established but generallly overlooked principle of relativity as it should apply to the motion of all bodies (and phenomena generally). At first, this later principle appeared to be incompatible with the former (if anyone before Einstein ever considered this matter; it appears not to have been a general consideration or concern). For how could anything not vary its speed relative to differently moving frames of reference giving it some boost of retardation? What it would come down to was that if the constancy of the speed of light was truly a universal, general law of nature, it must accord with the principle of relativity - at least IF it was accepted that all such laws must do so on the basis that all other features of nature point consistently to that conclusion. All moving bodies fell within a single conception and the laws governing them must not be affected by any differences in the velocities of the reference frames concerned - even those whose law may require it not to benefit (at all) from any added velocity (the very thing that all other bodies did allow). [Note: this latter 'shortcut' (in using the abstraction 'concerned' is utilised here, as elsewhere, to shorten the exposition, since this has been amplified many times elsewhere.]

33.      This, ultimately, was what the theory proposed. As such, some way had, therefore, to be found that allowed that constancy (that 'unresponsiveness' to added (or subtracted) velocity) to function fully in accord with that principle - just as all other laws of motion must. This meant that a way had to be found by which the speed of light maintained its essential feature (its constancy) when measured from any frame of reference, however moving relative to any other, including any moving frame from which such light itself may originate. As with every other law of nature concerning motion, it would then be the case that, as the principle of relativity requires, no observer could conclude in terms of such light measurements whether any one reference frame was moving faster or slower than any other one, in any absolute sense, since such movement could have no affect on the motion of the bodies concerned. They should not be differentiable on that basis. This would maintain the validity of the propostion that there in no absolutely still reference system nor therefore, any abslute motion - only relative and symmetrically equal motion.

34.     There was thus a need to adjust, if possible, some aspect of one or other of these otherwise apparent truths of nature in order that their actual compatibility (even if not yet recognized) became more apparent. They couldn't both be right as they stood. But to accept that light's measured speed alone may not be variable despite variations in the speed of its source or its observer/recorder and that the principle of relativity must somehow adapt to this so that light's speed alone couldn't be used to distinguish which of two reference frames was (truly) moving, or doing so the faster or slower, proved a hard nut to crack. [Whenever, that is, anyone finally addressed concern regarding this aspect of 'the problem'.] It seemed to go against all common sense (and against 'certain unspoken assumptions' regarding meassures of time and space underlying both that principle and all of science - as mentioned above). Possibly a principle of 'absolutivity', therefore, with its idea of absolute motion vis a vis a still ether, say, may have been the more valid construction after all (as discussed earlier) - one that also automatically assumed (as comprehensible, consistent concomitants) - the ultimate constancy and unquestioned absoluteness of our measures of time and space ? But that way was also frought with other anomalies and inconsistencies.

35. [I still 'feel' that Einstein didn't initially approach the problem (as he originally conceived it) 'head on' - from this laudable, 'general principle' point of view alone (toying with his two seemingly incompatible abstract playthings from the very start) - but that rather, as the pieces of the puzzle arranged initially in no particular logical order, these important elements gradually (or even suddenly) fell into a clearer cause and effect sequence along with the other elements of the problem area. After throwing out the ether and its absolutism, he would soon see that it could (only now) be more succinctly set out in that form, ie 'as though' he had approached it from that lofty abstract/generalist/efficient point of view from the very start. The essential logic behind it all may well have come down to this in the end - more succinctly than any other way. But prior to this, there was quite likely a more 'messy' stumbling upon some essential crux of the matter I feel. Later assuming the more organised approach would thus lend itself to a more generalised if abstract presentation of his theory in his eventual publication in 1905 (even if pared down to its most fundamental logic) - keeping to himself any much less general, but ultimate 'eureka' key to it all (eg re perception of 'time' being necessarily delayed (and thus 'dilated'), simultaneity or the 'glass ceiling-like' effects of a maximum possible velocity, etc) for quite some time after - if indeed he could ever re-capture the actual sequences later.

36.      It is possibly useful to consider just what 'the problem' would be the case had Einstein not found a way to make the actual compatability of the two 'laws' of nature more apparent. For there was clearly such a problem recognised by both himself and other contemporary physicists - otherwise he wouldn't have been seeking the means to resolve it. And if it was so recognised, was this by virtue of recent empirical evidence or still by way of theoretical considerations ('thought experiments') of what apparently was the (disturbing/illogical) case which would be expected to be confirmed by such evidence once the techniques were perfected to confirm it?]

37.      Certain related problem(s) had been recognised by most other workers - which had arisen out of Maxwell’s findings (and certain earlier problems not fully addressed) - as needing attention in terms of their immediate mechanical difficulties. These required to be ‘patched up’ somehow and kept consistent within Newton's mechanical model and the constraints of the traditional principle of relativity. [These may have included those 3 English studies mentioned by Lorentz in 1904.] Einstein, on the other hand, would (eventually) approach them as above - in terms of a revised general principle (concerning the nature of motion - including that of light). Eventually (and especially after gaining a particular insight into the concept of time (which 'holding fast' to the application of a fixed velocity for light - as just another 'body' - had thrown up) as described below), this forced him to recognise, confront and question those unspoken assumptions - be they in the absolute or relative camps. Those unresolved remnants of absolutivity which had 'stuck' to the old principle of relativity were thus finally removed - because of the eventual appreciation and acceptance of the nature of light. And with a re-interpreted principle within this realm, relativity would finally shake off all other remnants of absolutivity. Thus, our original, earlier question as to whether investigations into imponderable phenomena (eg as light) may help resolve the fundamental dichotomy of the absolute/mechanical vs relative/electrodynamic world view (ie better than did studies of the ponderable bodies alone) would, it seems, be clearly answered in the affirmative - ultimately - and more besides.

Einstein's 1905 'Moving Bodies' Paper

38.     Science normally progresses by a series of small steps provided by a sequence of researchers each addressing in turn problems and difficulties thrown up by earlier workers. Hypotheses are advanced and tested, results reported and subsequent hypotheses tested by later workers. Sometimes a major advance is made. Generally it is possible to trace the gradual development of most scientific ideas and conclusions by this means. Thus, after a century of incremental contributions by many well known workers in the sphere of light, Lorentz had provided, by about 1904, a fairly well formulated theory (based on Maxwell) concerning the electron and electromagnetic phenomena generally including, amongst other things, the behaviour of light and its assumed medium - the (still) ether. This background to his ideas would likely be traced with little difficulty through the introductory remarks and final conclusions in the scientific papers written by himself and all earlier workers in that progression between say 1830 and 1900. It likely continued in the 1906 paper by Poincare referred to above, and others by Lorentz that same year and in 1904. We may contrast this unobscured, stepwise progression with the style of reporting to be displayed in 1905 by Einstein in what his biographer, Ronald Clark, referred to as "...possibly the most important scientific paper written in the twentieth century..." namely, 'On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies'. But, it was, he said, a perfect example of a paper whose aim, as described by Hermann Bondi (a respected philosopher of science) was "to leave as disembodied and impersonal a piece of writing as anybody might be willing to read...(but one that was)...very likely to tell the reader almost nothing about how the result was actually found." He might well have added '...nor indeed exactly what the problem was that he was so addressing' - other than 'certain difficulties' which, in his paper, were even then not fully specified, nor was any result particularly obvious as a solution to those vague and uncertain 'difficulties'. And yet - 'the most important paper...' ??

39.     Moreover, we may note that nowhere in this paper of such renown is his theory (of the electrodynamics of moving bodies) ever referred to as the 'theory of relativity', whether 'special' or not. It would appear that some time after its publication, Einstein must have realised that his new theory, based in part on the principle of relativity, was but a special case of a more general conception of the nature of motion - to which the name 'general theory of relativity' would later be given - and thus, after its publication, the earlier work became increasingly known as the 'special theory of relativity'. The motion of concern (of moving bodies) in the earlier paper is defined as constant or 'uniform' while in the later, more general theory, it can be thus or variable - as for example when accelerated as by gravity. But this important differentiation is not stressed in the earlier paper - although the motions concerned are properly described there (but on one brief occasion only) as 'uniform' - since inertia and the principle of relativity rely on same - but this feature is not particularly emphasised and seems almost taken as a given. [One wonders what name Poincare gave to his own similar theory of 1906 ??]

40.     We would eventually learn also that, as a basis to his earlier paper, Einstein had been wrestling with a particular problem (relating to light) for about 10 years and that "...after abandoning many fruitless attempts, being visited by much conflict and confusion, 'at last it came to me...' that 'Time' was the key". For information about the motion of all bodies, including light was, he suddenly saw, necessarily transmitted only by reliable, but time consuming, (signals. This was just 5 or 6 weeks before he actually wrote up and submitted his paper in the summer of 1905. But the paper itself was almost cryptic in its presentation. It didn't mention that very recent insight regarding time and would contain no specific references to earlier studies by others, or a single footnote. There was just one brief acknowledgement - to help he had received from his friend M. Besso - 'on working on the problem here dealt with'. So, we can't easily analyse his conclusions in terms of their development from the ideas (as focused on some clearly specified problem) of his contemporaries or of those who came just before him, although he does refer initially if fleetingly to Maxwell. The problem 'door' that he decided to unlock with his newly discovered 'key' was thus a kind of side door - not the main entrance at the end of the more well trodden path by which others were, stepwise, approaching hoped-for answers inside - to some fairly well agreed and described problem. He must have realised that what he had discovered was that profound and fundamental and his confidence in it that certain that he felt no need to persuade the reader or scientific community of its bona fides - by setting out its detailed historical development; it would stand on its own succinct merits - forever.

41.       We do have however three brief introductory paragraphs at the beginning of his paper - before he pursues the tight physical and mathematical development of his thesis at a more technical, if theoretical level. We can at least seek to analyse these paragraphs to see what they may reveal about the basis of his argument and just what was 'the problem here dealt with' and, hopefully, the answer he would suggest (his theory) as apparently the only way to resolve it. His paper wasn't the report of an experiment in physics the result of which is offered as evidence that a new hypothesis suggested therewith provides an answer to some prior (and clearly described) problem which is thereby supported. Rather, the paper is:

42.      But somewhere within the body of the paper there must be, even if only implicit and theoretical, a 'result' or outcome (as referred to by Bondi) which supports his general thesis - one that is relevant to some specific problem area (the 'difficulties') in the sphere of physics that he is addressing. Once the following analysis of his paper is complete, we may see if this problem and its new answer have indeed been revealed more than we have suggested. [We have implied on several occasions above that this result concerns primarily his properly justified basis for previously unsuspected variations in the magnitudes of time and space when measured in others' (differently moving) frames of reference (and, symmetrically, every frame of reference is potentially some others' such one, seemingly, even our own, to those not of it).] Presumably it will also suggests both past and future phenomena which his theory (and no others) could properly explain and predict and be thereby further supported - so that his theory gradually becomes essentially a 'law' concerning the motion of all bodies. As this is inherent in all events and happenings in the universe (and in any case, apparently leads on to what has been described as probably the most important equation in science: E = m.c² (the basis of nuclear power and 'the bomb'), it is obviously rather important and fundamental) !

43.     Because Einstein chose to write in such a concise, abbreviated style (as part of the apparent 're-ordering' of his reasoning in more abstract, general terms as mentioned above), it may be helpful to first reproduce verbatim each of the three introductory paragraphs at least (in their English translations) and then try to 'interpret' them and their evolution and implications as best as one can Thus:

An Analysis of Einstein's 1905 paper 'On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies'. [Comments added in square brackets]:

44.        The paper begins: "It is known that Maxwell's electrodynamics - as usually understood at the present time [ie ca 1895-1905] - when applied to moving bodies, leads to asymmetries which do not appear inherent in the phenomena. Take, for example, the reciprocal electrodynamic action of a magnet and a conductor. The observable phenomenon here depends only on the relative motion of the conductor and the magnet, whereas the customary view draws a sharp distinction between the two cases in which either the one or the other of these bodies is in motion. [Does this imply 'is in absolute motion'?] For if the magnet is in motion and the conductor at rest, there arises in the neighbourhood of the magnet an electric field with a certain definite energy, producing a current at the places where parts of the conductor are situated. But if the magnet is stationary and the conductor in motion, no electric field arises in the neighbourhood of the magnet. In the conductor, however, we find an electromotive force, to which in itself there is no corresponding energy, but which gives rise - assuming equality of relative motion in the two cases discussed - to electric currents of the same path and intensity as those produced by the electric forces in the former case."

45.      [Now, when in 1820 Oersted discovered that when a current of electricity (ie electrons moving due to an electric force) began to flow in a conducting wire placed near a magnet at rest (ie a compass needle), the latter would 'instantly' move to point perpendicularly towards the wire. This was later concluded to be due to the creation around the wire by those moving charges of a circular magnetic field (its lines of force when viewed from above, say, appearing as effectively perpendicular to the direction of the wire which they encircled). Later, Faraday found a symmetric converse of this phenomenon when, rather than electric charges moving near a magnet, the magnet itself was moved near a conducting wire. This time an electric field was engendered around the moving magnet to which the electrons in the conductor responded - by moving as an electric current thus induced. The latter phenomenon was formalised within Faraday's 'law of induction' and the theory associated with it. It led to the developments of useful electrical machinery in which it may have been more practical to have a fast moving magnet encircled by fixed copper wires, say, rather than the converse (or vice versa?). But, in any case, in both Oersted's and Faraday's cases, the same outcomes would have arisen had the motions applied to the other elements in their respective situations. It was their symmetric relative motions only that produced these results. This was apparently long realised but tended to be forgotten in that Faraday's law was generally framed as though this symmetry wasn't actually the case. Einstein's first point in his paper is thus simply to point out this particular oversight or mis-representation in contemporary physics. Its relevance to anything in particular is not, at that point, discussed (although the implication of a role for an absolute rather than relative motion or stillness might be considered). [What did Hertz say on this aspect, if anything?] But he continues this topic in the next (his second) paragraph where its relevance may become clearer.] Thus:

46.         "Examples of this sort [which indicate that there is no ?real, only relative, motion in either element], together with unsuccessful attempts to discover any [absolute,'real'] motion of the Earth relative to [an assumed absolutely stationary] 'light medium' [ie the ether], suggests that the phenomena of electrodynamics as well as mechanics possesses no properties corresponding to the idea of absolute rest [nor, therefore, of real, absolute motion]. [Note: Einstein places his 'asymmetry' example from the current induction situation (where no fixed component is needed or extant?) and the failure to confirm any fixed ether (as an absolutely still reference criterion to establish that the Earth's (or even the Solar system's) motion is absolute) as two examples of the same basic thing which, in effect, underlines the reality of the principle of relativity. Their comparable relevance to the latter may possibly need to be better defined. The principle is responsible (accounts) for it being impossible to decide which of two differntly moving reference bodies (systems) is more 'at rest' (or moving the slower, say) and which, relatively, the faster. Only their mutual relative motion can be validly described. And we may note, rather pardoxically, that the origins of the principle of relativity in Galileo's time was based on the then new idea that the Earth moved around the Sun and not the other way round. In fact, it is now appreciated that they likely both move relative to each other (symmetrically) as far as the mathematics of their motions are concerned.

47.      He thus continues: "They [ie such examples that there is no real, absolute motion nor associated asymmetry or primacy of motion] between bodies suggest rather that, as has already been shown (my italics) to the first order of small quantities [ie v/c], 'the same laws of electrodynamics and optics will be valid for all frames of reference for which the equations of mechanics hold good'. [That is, all laws of nature (regarding moving bodies measured on or from any frame of reference) may be treated as part of a single conception. The laws pertaining to moving bodies are unaffected by any differences in the motion of relevant reference frames.] We will raise this conjecture, says Einstein, to the status of a postulate (hereafter to be called the 'Principle of Relativity') and [in the very same sentence!] will also introduce another postulate, which is only apparently irreconcilable with the former, namely that light is always propagated in empty space with a definite [ie constant] velocity c which is independent of the state of motion of the emitting body [ie 'the light's source'; we may note that in subsequent descriptions of this postulate, the constancy of light was also as much referred to the motion of any observer (or method of measurement) which, counter-intuitively, also had no effect on the value of that constancy]. These two postulates suffice for the attainment of a simple and consistent theory of the electrodynamics of moving bodies - based on Maxwell's theory for stationary bodies". [We may re-state here also the fact that the relativity principle is often also described as what accounts for it being impossible to decide which of two differntly moving reference bodies (systems) is more 'at rest' (or moving the slower) and which, relatively, the faster.]

  [Note: The word 'same' in the definition of the relativity principle presented by Einstein (which might appear a touch ambiguous) seems to imply that laws of electrodynamics which he feels must accord with the principle of relativity (as do those of mechanics) include no exceptions whose form might have been altered to fit any awkward facts that may seem to have emerged.]

48.      [It is intriguing to speculate that the title of his paper could imply an allusion to Lorentz's contrary view that moving bodies truly 'shorten' when they move relative to a still ether - by virtue of an alleged electrodynamic effect which Lorentz (eventually) thought was so engendered. Einstein sought in his paper to show that such alleged effects were not required to explain the results of relevant experiments and that in fact they did not occur by that suggested means. Rather, a quite different form of electrodynamics applied to moving bodies the effects of which (regarding space and time) would be of a different kind to those suggested by Lorentz - not physical but perceptual.]

49.        [His theory thus states, in effect, that 'there is a (primary) Principle - ie that 'of Relativity' which holds true for both mechanics and electrodynamics - even though we accept also (ie assert equally) a second Principle which holds in that latter sphere - that the velocity of light is a constant, whatever the velocity of its emitting source - this latter principle or 'law' not being (as it may initially appear*) inconsistent or irreconcilable with that first (relativity) principle.

[* It so wrongly 'appearing' because the speed of every other body to which this important first principle had previously always applied was assumed to be invariably a function not only of its own inherent motion (however instigated) but of the total relative speed of its source as well (ie added to it) whereas this was, uniquely, not the case (only) with the motion of 'bodies' that happen to be instigated (ie released and propagated) as light; this reality (which he would now have to find a way to allow) would have implications concerning the extent (proportion) which the prior speed of any moving source was actually additive with respect to the subsequent total velocity of all other relevant bodies so placed into motion. That proportion could vary between 0 and 100 %.]

50.       There was thus the implication that the effect of the prior, on-going speed of a body's source on its final subsequent speed (as per its laws of motion) was something with which the principle of relativity always proved compatible and was associated (which would apparently not be the case however where, as with light completely, such a moving source did not affect subsequent speeds of all other bodies on a one to one, additive, basis as previously assumed, but rather and unexpectantly in a ratio (less than one) that was influenced by the proportion that those speeds were of that maximum possible velocity - ie that of light (whose speed would not be boosted at all) because it was the maximum possible speed below which the 'added' velocities all slower bodies' 'had to be'(**) proportionally accommodated); they couldn't sum to more than that of light. We might usefully add here that 'the problem' which was central to Einstein's concerns was summed up (rather too succinctly) in his phrase "...only apparently irreconcilable with..." or, in similar contexts, with the inclusion of such words as 'appearing' or 'apparently'. This 'problem' can be contrasted with that of concern to Fitzgerald and Lorentz after Michelson's negative result - which we may now better appreciate was not the same as that specifically addressed by Einstein.

[** 'had to be' is probably too proscriptive a phrase as it doesn't suggest a basis for that outcome - something to be further elaborated later.]

51. [Note: While the justification and bases for Einstein's two fundamental postulates will be addressed more fully below, we may add here that in his search for a way to resolve 'the problem' he eventually decided that as in other areas of physics where the laws of nature had been sought, an over-arching general principle was probably required to better guide one's search - with which various more specific relationships so encompassed would be required to prove consistent (ie be subsumed). His first postulate represents that general principle - one that had already existed but in a less generalized form - from the days of Galileo and Newton - and, as such, could (once so generalized) be considered the essential 'steering committee' (ie the 'gov'nor') with ultimate precedence or jurisdiction which nevertheless must still have its own explanation and justification; its relevance wasn't postulated 'out of the blue'. It had been referred to recently (1899 and 1902) by Poincare. Equally, there must also be a logical basis for how he came to advance and believe in his second postulate (as derived from Maxwell's equations apparently) which had implicitly served as a kind of 'thorn in the side' of mechanics (and the more restricted principle of relativity associated with the latter) but which the first postulate now 'demanded' (in Einstein's mind); that is, a way had to be found to accommodate it within its determining compass (ie under its over-arching umbrella). It too was a postulate not a deduction from more basic premises (as it was in the case of Lorentz who related any such constancy or independence of light's velocity to effects of the postulated ether which to him seemed the more fundamental and actual reality.]

52.       Having stated his two essential postulates, Einstein then continues (apropos the last sentence of our preceding paragraph) : "The introduction of [essentially a third postulate] - regarding a 'luminiferous ether' - will prove to be superfluous (in our developing theory) inasmuch as the view to be developed here will not require 'an absolutely stationary space' provided with special properties [which could act on (affect) material objects moving through its assumed 'stillness'], nor assign a velocity-vector to a point of empty space in which electromagnetic processes take place." [Oddly, he doesn't mention directly that he sees no need to posit an ether medium for the propagation of light although naming it as he has (as a fixed or stationary entity) may imply that medium role also but if so, that doesn't itself imply that it must be an absolutely still medium, although this status may well have been assumed by most at the time). Maybe that was considered to be one of its 'special properties' (or even its primary one). This claimed superfluousness of the ether for his theory thereby reinforces his comment that his two postulates would alone suffice for the attainment of his theory; no 3rd, ether postulate, was needed - whether for either of its alleged properties - of 'stillness' or as a 'medium'.] We may recall that Michelson argued that the still ether provided a net resistence after the motion of the Earth (the light's moving 'source') gave his light waves an initial boost (vis a vis those sent perpendicularly) which I believe was expected to be manifested in a measurable altered ?speed of the light (or was it just the time light took if the distances were not equated ?) and that Lorentz explained the absence of this change to either that physical resistance of the ether (initially) or to an electromagnetic influence of its stationary status on the actual electronic/physical structure of the equipment (bodies) moving through it (subsequently) - resulting in an actual structural shortening of the measuring apparatus concerned (in some absolute, 'real', physical sense); 'local time' associated with the moving measuring equipment (ie on the moving Earth) was also somehow 'physically dilated' but no comparable (ether-based) explanation was initially provided for that equally important phenomenon associated with the velocity of moving bodies.]

53.        [Einstein's example of the essential symmetry of current induction may be seen as somewhat analogous to but contrasting with the non-symmetry of Lorentz's explanation of how a still ether accounts for the contraction of bodies moving through it. If there was an ether that could have this effect, its motion vis a vis any bodies might only have to be relative not absolute (although this may never arise if, according to Einstein, there was in fact no ether; however, he doesn't quite say this but rather that he simply doesn't require it. That is, there is a simpler explanation and such simplicity generally takes precedence in scientific acceptability and validity.]

54.     [We may note that Einstein implies that other examples are available where such relative motion has been similarly overlooked and absolute motion and a fixed point in space wrongly assumed (or possibly implied). However, we note that he doesn't specify these. [Recall my example of striking a match; either the match or that on which it is struck may appear to be the main element moving but, again mathematically, there is no difference; they are equivalent and essentially symmetric.] Also, it may be pointed out that although Copernicus and Galileo reversed the asymmetry as between which was the unmoving centre regarding the motion of the Earth and the Sun, it is now accepted that they too are characterised by an actual symmetry; neither are truly 'still' nor, ultimately, possess greater 'stillness' nor motion than the other; ditto vis a vis the galaxies.] They, with the ones he does describe, plus unsuccessful attempts at verifying any motion of the Earth relative to a fixed ether (as by Michelson presumably) suggests that both electrodynamics (which includes light) and mechanics (ie the motion of the Earth) operate perfectly well (ie predicatbly) without any involvement of a concept of absolute rest (or of a stationary ether of this sort) and thus are able to do so (in his new theory) within the dictates of a (new) Principle of Relativity to which this absence of absolute motion necessarily leads; ie 'new' and 'adjusted' in order to accommodate/guarantee the one 'body' whose speed doesn't meet the dictates of the original, mechanical principle of relativity (ie as varying according to the speed of its source). As Ronald Clark puts it in his biography of Einstein - such examples and attempts then suggested to him an "...inevitable consequence: namely, the destruction of the idea of [the reality or necessity of] absolute rest...". All motion was relative - as between any two or more moving bodies. (Poincare apparently arrived independently at a similar conclusion about the same time.) If there was an ether, it might serve as a medium, an energy source or even the seat of some other imponderable phenemena but without any absolutist' positional' attributes, stated Einstein. Galileo's thinking provided the basis for the relativity principle but, as noted, it needed generalizing - both to incorporate light's constancy and to remove any preference for any given frame of reference (as the Sun vs the Earth or the Earth and Sun vs any 'ether', etc.]

55.      [This briefly expressed 'suggestion' - of there being no absolute motion - apparently leads logically and inevitably to his 'conjecture' - that all laws of nature operate identically in whatever reference system they do so when measured from any other such inertial system and thus accord with the appropriate principle of relativity. Every reference system is symmetric with every other one; none are 'favoured' and thus one can't say which is moving (the faster or slower). All laws (must) work the same therefore on all of them - as perceived from any other ones. Thus, the law of light's constant velocity must also be accommodated within this 'rule'; differently moving reference frames must have no effect on the electrodynamic law of that constancy just as they should have no effect on any other laws of nature, mechanical or otherwise. He suggests that this has in fact 'already been shown' (to a certain high degree of accuracy) although, rather naughtily, he again doesn't specify when or where it was thus 'shown'. [Is this line of logic different from that which justifies the demand that all laws of nature 'must' accord with the principle of relativity because its over-riding primacy is established in ways set out earlier, or as argued by Bondi?? Not quite, I believe; it simply means that all straight, uniformly-moving systems, whatever their differing speeds may be, will provide identical or physically equivalent environments for the operation therefore of all natural laws; their differing speeds, which are simply relative one to the other, (can) have no effect on the laws of nature. There is a consistency in nature - seemingly as it has successfully evolved in our universe and there are only relatively moving systems on which they all so evolved - on which inertia is equivalent and universal. I believe this may be what Bondi was getting at.]

56.        [So, the asymmetry example is seen finally as pertaining to the importance of a mutual symmetry of relative motion (as Galileo first pointed out! re ship and dockside (although he didn't point out, I believe, that the dockside could equally be seen as the element that was as effectively 'moving' - relative to a still ship, as far as the mathematics (or nature) were concerned); ditto re the (observer on) the Berne tram and the (the observer) in the Berne square) - as opposed to any idea of an asymmetric, absolute motion of one or other element having any precedence or distinction (eg the Earth and/or the Tram) alone. The same thing applied to the magnet and the coil of wire. Einstein would thus refute both the action of a still ether in 'causing' contraction - ie as he asserted there was no (still) ether or any other absolute stillness (established by any other means) and thus of any absolute motion or effects of same. From this, it follows that all motion of any body is always and only relative to some specified reference point or frame which has equal precedence as being effectively in motion itself (whether seen as slower or faster) relative to that or any other body.

57.       From this it can be shown that such mutual relative motion, no matter how fast as 'seen' from either point of view, has no absolute magnitude (it could effectively be zero (if this could ever be established) so that it becomes unsurprising that the one truly absolute speed of anything - that of light - always moves away from all other phenomena (seemingly moving but of unmeasurable magnitude in any absolute sense) - including its own electromagnetic sources - at its one and only (immense) speed. And if motion must be relative, then the inevitable concomitants of the velocity of any body's motion - ie space and/per time - should presumably be relative also (although I don't believe this was the route of the logic which led to that conclusion, even if it did so follow (although I have no basis for suggesting that). We may add here that the perception of both time and space on any moving frame/body from any other frame (seen from the former one equally as the one moving) is mutually affected by the inevitable 'lags' in the required measurement methods (using signals to convey the information). Only immediately local magnitudes would prove consistent. This is presumably expanded below although seems rarely cited when explanations of relativity are discussed.

58.      Einstein's 'conjecture', already thus mysteriously supported, turns out to be one of the most profound hypotheses in science: namely, a 'Principle of Relativity' so generalised and defined as to apply to all laws of nature (including, therefore, to any constants of velocity which (perplexingly) may exist - ie in any sphere; although in only one sphere - electromagnetics - does such occur, eg as light (and other electromagnetic waves) - seemingly. It requires* all laws of nature, whether in the spheres of optics and electrodynamics, or of mechanics, to be equally valid, to apply fully, in all frames of reference (which, as it happens, are, in his view, all moving, often at different relative velocities) and in so doing do not provide any means by which any frame of reference could be differentiated from any others - as the faster, or slower or more or less 'stationary or mobile, etc. (in any absolute sense) through the different operation or results of any such law. Such a principle will not tolerate different sets of reference criteria when measuring the motions of bodies from whatever sphere of nature - be it optics/electrodynamics or mechanics. The unsuccessful attempts (to establish absolute motion of the Earth) that formed part of this foundation didn't initially include that of Michelson apparently - of which he later said he wasn't then sure he was even aware - despite that experiment being seen as the virtual sine quo non of this category of work and, as such, seduces most analyses of this topic as being the starting point of Einstein's focus; apparently, it wasn't.]

[* Bondi says the (generalised) principle of relativity so 'requires' because of the existence of a yet more fundamental principle (ie more fundamental than that of inertia on which the original principle of relativity was, it seems, securely based) - that of the internal consistency or 'unity of physics'; this needs further analysis on my part. Does it imply that there must be a consistency in our model of nature, with no awkward exceptions? I think I prefer a more 'mechanistic' explanation - as inertia seemed to provide to the rest of nature/mechanics - and as Einstein seems to indicate in his justification for the relativity principle's primacy. See.....]

59.       [And while Michelson sought evidence supporting a still ether (and thus implicitly of the existence of absolute rest), there doesn't appear to have been a scintilla of any suggestion in either his papers or in Maxwell's prior comments about methods to so establish this, that such a still entity if found would have particular relevance....to anything other than to support Maxwell's ideas about the likely medium for his new conception of light waves (even if this was later typically described in converse terms - of seeking to show that the Earth really 'moved' - ie relative to an absolutely still ether, such proof of the reality of which appears to have been what was basically sought; but to what end?). Later, Lorentz would also seek (or assume) evidence concerning such absolutely stationary ether - as an explantion of why charged atomic particles within Michelson's interferometer (traveling on the Earth through that assumed ether) would contract into a smaller space and thereby account for an unexpected constancy in the measured velocity of light (that was, in Lorentz's view, apparently really variable therefore?) and its associated failure to verify the real, absolute motion of the Earth thereby. However, Einstein did not refer specifically to this failure. He would take exactly the opposite tack in his thesis - that there was no absolute rest (whether as a still ether or by any other means; his symmetry argument addresses this - ie relativity(!) and that light's speed was nevertheless acceptably constant, despite that principle's requirements and regardless of any motion or otherwise of its assumed medium. As such, it needn't be posited therefore - as a (?desperate) means of accounting otherwise for light's stubborn constancy.

60.       It is thus intriguing that while Maxwell and Michelson were interested in the concept of a still ether - whose existence or not as based on such research would later be fundamental to the contrary theories advanced by Lorentz and Einstein - the former two themselves indicated at the time no apparent concern or interest in the potential relevance of such concepts to anything beyond the concerns of Fresnel, Stokes and Maxwell regarding the assumed necessary medium for light, latterly as an electromagnetic phenomenon. They weren't, one may assume, part of any imagined group of absolutists or mechanicists battling against those imbued with some contrary new philosophy (as written about in such terms only many years later); just contemporary scientists investigating current phenomena regarding light and its assumed medium within their usual mechanical model. The latter's existence might be supported or verified in terms of its motion being reflected in different velocities (or timings?) for light (ie as a convenient marker) without any concern that this might conceivably have regarding the fundamental velocity of light; even its assumed constancy otherwise. The existence of absolute motion based on the idea of a still ether (or of asymmetrical current induction) would appear to inhibit the possibility of (or need for?) a principle of relativity (entailing relative time and space) by which means the constancy of light's speed could prove compatible. Rather, it was used by Lorentz to allow an explanation of how that assumed still ether (allowing absolute motion) could be justified as masking the existence of the very opposite - ie the variability of light's speed, as thus utilised. [Or, again, was it simply the variability of the time taken for light to travel within the parameters of Michelson's or similar experiments and not its velocity?]

61.      We may also mention here that both Lorentz and Michelson continued to promote their interpretations over the next 5 or so years (after 1905) - maintaining the existence, validity and relevance of a still, or a moving ether, respectively (but an ether nevertheless) - since when a long-established but generally discredited movement of 'anti-relativists' and 'pro-aetherists' have continued essentially this same orientation. Their arguments are usually much too abstruse and mathemetical for a layman as myself to take a confident view on. In the meantime, I will tend markedly to favour the views expressed by more recognised physicists, physics departments, books and journals.

62.       [In any case, Einstein then introduces his second postulate (in the same sentence) - that the velocity of light is indeed a constant - which is independent of the speed of its source . He doesn't point out that this postulate was either implied or even explicitly stated within Maxwell's electromagnetic equations nor that certain of those 'examples' which indicate that the absolute motion of the Earth was not measurable (relative to a still ether, say), could also have been cited or interpreted as indicating that the velocity of light did not, as expected, vary - but was constant. Whenever and however he arrived at his conviction about it, he then points out that this light postulate is not really inconsistent or 'irreconcilable' with his new, all-encompassing, properly generalised principle of relativity (allowed by the absence in the universe of absolute motion) but only apparently so. For clearly, it would have to be consistent with it in so far as he has already stated in the first postulate that all (relevant) laws of electrodynamic and optics (as well as of mechanics - ie 'of nature') must (or simply are) consistent with this principle, in that the 'law' of the constancy of light's speed is indeed a part of such laws of nature (and, for reasons cited in his 1916 book), his theory states (requires?) that all general laws of nature must (or simply 'do') accord with that fundamental principle. Such 'reasons' must hold a position of primacy in Einstein's logic but they seem to be generally ignored by historians of science (or at least by 'lay' historians).

63.      There can be no exceptions to being so compatible if one accepts, as Einstein has, that there is no absolute resting place in space since that means that there is no other principle except that of relativity available to account for the consistency and validity of all laws of nature concerned with motion regardless of the (inevitable) differing uniform motion of all possible frames of reference; there being no fixed frames of reference, everything must 'work' satisfactorily (whatever their uniform speed) in terms of the only relevant principle going - that of relativity - as it accounts for the total acceptability and equivalence of uniformly moving frames of reference (of often differing velocities) for all activities; that is, their complete equivalence for valid measurements for all laws and all observers. There must, therefore, be approriate transformation equations to verify the reality of that more comprehensive requirement just as there were for mechanics alone (ie in Galileo's more restricted transformations and relativity principle). One would assume that inertia remains fundamental in the foregoing logic.

64.      In one sense, he doesn't have to provide a rationale as to why all laws of nature must, should or even do accord with his new principle of relativity (including those of electromagnetics)- since this is (?part of) his hypothesis or theory (the other part concerns his definitions of time and space differing from those of Newton as the basis (or outcome?) of that new principle) and if this allows predictions which are verified and nothing is found to disagree with these 'assertions' (definitions), its validity or rationale can be assumed - unless and until not supported - without stating the latter a priori, although he appears to have given one in terms of the logic which follows from there being no absolute rest in the universe. As mentioned, Bondi appears to give another (related?) one by citing his principle of 'the unity of physics'. I can myself see a certain inevitability of the all-encompassing principle of relativity in terms of the evolution of all laws of nature (that always work) within our universe in which there are only (uniformly) and differently-moving parts and their associated inertias. Otherwise, an infinity of different laws would have to have successfuly evolved - one set for every different moving environment. But this hasn't so evolved (nor we with it) and therefore we do have the one that proved the more sustainable. If there is a universe somewhere whose constituent parts are all mutually 'still', some other single set of laws could presumably have evolved (even if less imaginable).]

65.       It was of course his resolution of the above 'apparentness' (cf 'obviousness') and its expression in such new transformation equations (rationally based) where the crux of his theory lay. That resolution in fact equates to his "..attainment of a simple and consistent theory - of the electrodynamics of [all] moving bodies'" [in which a rational basis for establishing that time and space are in fact relative, not absolute, is provided]. This theory was of course later termed a 'theory of (special) relativity'. It was presented as a theory rather than as an 'irrefutable new discovery or truism' simply because this is how science progresses; all such advances must be capable (in theory) of being falsified. It holds only until and if anything is ever shown to be inconsistent with it. So far, I believe, nothing has - now a century later. That he was convinced that there was a need for some kind of resolution between two apparently irreconcilable principles or truths in nature seems to have arisen after his lengthy anaysis of his thought experiment and comparable anomalies suggested by research (or 'theories' based on unlikely or unproved premises - as a fixed ether medium for light) as per Lorentz - with only one certain way out. [And also on his 'eureka' about time?]

66.       [Note: one should probably explain further here why transformation equations are required - to account for the consistency of all laws of nature despite the manifest effects of adding or subtracting the velocities associated with the frames of reference concerned. That is, while laws of mechanics always appeared to prove consistent (and so accord with the then principle of relativity) even when any body's speed was measured as being greater or less than that expected for the magnitude of force applied to it, this was always reconciled by subtracting or adding the full amount of that frame's different velocity. With light, this adjustment did not result in the consistent (law-fulfilling) outcomes expected; thus new transformations were needed which would be consistent with the demands of the two principles and which therefore required adjustments in the basis of velocity (ie that time and space must somehow be relative/dependent). [We will see below that such adjustments will apply to various physical phenomena (in addition to space and time coordinates) - such as certain characteristics of light and the energy and mass of bodies - succinctly described as having to be 'transformed under changes of reference frame'.] One might consider whether the speed of light must be constant - if there is evidence that time and space are variable - or, must the latter be variable because the speed of light is constant? Which is the dependent variable and which the independent ? Which is a hypothesis (postulate) and which a proven 'fact' or reality ? Both ? In any case, the new transformations would show that not only the perception and measurement of space but of time also was dependent on (relative to) motion (as defined for all present cases) so that two reference systems in relative motion necessarily had differently perceived spatial and temporal intervals.]

67.        Finally, it might be mentioned that it may be one thing to have a conviction, and a back-up of rational reasons for it, which takes prededence in one's thinking such that certain things must follow from it (as that both mechanics and electrodynamics must accord with a single principle of relativity and, to do so, time and space must prove variable (or relative)), but another thing to account for the exact amounts of such variabilities that allegedly come about in given circumstances - as this would imply more about the actual mechanisms which effect these variations, and so further establish their validity. Or, are they 'apparent' variations only ?? The answer must be in terms of just what it is to (or on) which these variables turn out to be relative (dependent). They are in fact relative to....'the difference, if any, in the velocity of the 'platform' on which any 'motionally-relevant' law of nature applies and that from which the effects of same are observed and measured'. They would arise due to some explicable qualitative 'mechanism' and quantitatively be relative to some particular quantitative function (and mechanism) of such velocity differences - concluded on the basis of the appropriate differential equations or analysis. One might reasonably assume that this function would be quite a straight forward one and to apply to any and all possible values of that measure of velocity - from, say, 1 mile per hour through 1000 miles per hour and on upto 500,000 miles per second, say, and poassibly even to an ?infinite velocity - ie the greater the velocity, the greater the effect on the variable magnitudes of time and space. This would presumably be the case if there was no restriction on the possible magnitudes of velocity. But there is such a restriction and hence the function must evolve (and prove compatible) within that constraint.

68.        The restriction is that of the speed of light - at about 186,000 miles per second. And thus the effect of the velocity differences mentioned on the possible values of time and space (if they must so vary) must be determined as a function of some measure of both that difference and this upper limitation of possible velocity. That is, it has effectively to 'fit into' the available 'space' of possible velocities (and not some limitless, infinite range) and so the function must include reference to that upper limit - as sympbolised as c. That is, it must be a function of some ratio of the velocity concerned (v) to this limiting value (c) - ie some fuction of v/c. The exact value of this function was something which both Lorentz (for one particular calculation) and Einstein (for another) derived from their respective analyses, which will be considered further below. [With Lorentz, space (length) was dependent instead on the velocity at which any body moved relative to a still ether (which acted upon that body's electric function and sub-structure) but, again, he seems to have recognised that c represented an upper limit (how and when did he conclude this?) so his equations would necessarily also incorporate this same ratio v/c; time in his theory seems to have been dependent on other factors although with length thus determined then, for a given velocity, the time element would, it seems, have been thereby pre-determined quantitatively - if not qualitatively.] And in both cases, this same ratio would also be fundamental in the formation of their respective new transformation equations which, when applied, allow us to see (at least with respect to Einstein's theory) that all laws of nature are compatible (accord) with the principle of relativity. [But with Lorentz...they support (instead) the idea of a still ether affecting length of bodies moving through it. Thus, the extent of the variations in space and time were set by Lorentz for his transformations in such a way (by the function of v/c so derived) that the speed of light will (as it did) only appear constant - when it was really expected (by Michelson and Lorentz) to be variable - at least in their initial papers.]

69.       The 1905 paper then continues with the third introductory paragraph: "The theory [ie of the electrodynamics of moving bodies] to be developed here is based - like all electrodynamics - on the kinematics of the rigid body, since the assertions of any such theory [advanced to answer the problem of....?] have to do with relationships between rigid bodies (systems of coordinates), clocks, and electromagnetic processes. Insufficient consideration of this [admittedly complex] circumstance lies at the root of the difficulties which the electrodynamics of moving bodies at present encounters." [my bracketed addition, italics and underlining]. That is, his theory will focus on (have to do with) those complex relationships - so analysed via kinematics. [One would like to have a list of the exact papers of ca 1900-1905, say, in which this topic encountered 'such difficulties' (and descriptions of the latter) at the root of which may thus be revealed that this circumstance was therein given insufficient consideration (which he is presumably now going to correct). [See Lorentz's 1904 paper for reference to some of these and in which there are likely references to earlier examples.] Such 'difficulties' must constitute 'the problem' to which he has alluded (without specificity) from time to time. Could it not have been spelt out more clearly? [One is tempted to conclude that it was Lorentz's seemingly 'non-rigid' bodies that Einstein was implying contrasted (in part) with his own approach to the same problem.]

70.      [Note: Kinematics deals with the pure motion of bodies (even material 'points') in time and space without reference to the forces (as electromagnetic ones), energies or masses involved; that is, simply with the dynamic geometry, temporal and spatial, of bodies in motion - of whatever size and however 'moved' - in relation to their often differently moving frames of reference.] His analysis will thus deal with the relationships between the positions of such bodies (or points) within a system of 3-dimensional spatial coordinates - as established typically with the use of usually imagined perpendicular measuring rods - and of the time coordinates needed - using (again imagined) timing devices or clocks and electromagnetic processes (light). [The necessity for the latter might have been spelt out more explicitly here.] Exactly which of many kinds of potential relationships that are possible within such a melange of variables that Einstein will be analysing is not made clear at this point. However, he appears to be developing his theory in a similar way to that of Newton - who based his laws of mechanics/motion (vs those of electrodynamics) on a set of definitions of the basic concepts and relationships thereof involved in the mechanics/motion/velocity of bodies - over space and time - firstly as abstract geometric kinematics but later applied to the actual physics of same - entailing forces, energy levels and bodies of particular mass. Einstein follows this model also but does so with respect to the laws of motion of all 'bodies' (including light) and this requires that he add the additional category of electromagnetic processes into his final analysis of a single set of inter-relationships regarding all conceivable moving bodies. His model, his theory, is thus expanded from the limited sphere of mechanics to the broader and encompassing one of electrodynamics - of moving bodies within a single conception or continuum.

71.       In both cases, it should be possible and relevant to show the application of the principle of relativity to the motion of all such bodies. But in order that 'everything behaves just the same' whether one's surroundings are moving uniformly or are stationary (as qualified earlier) - as required by that principle - for all laws of nature - will now entail a new consideration - not previously appreciated; for now a law of nature has been (belatedly) recognised that concerns motion itself - the 'bodies' pertaining to same of which must remain constant in both types of surroundings regardless of relative velocity differences. To accommodate this reality, the velocity of all other bodies, as viewed by those in the relatively stationary environment, must now be equally recognised (again belatedly) as actually composed of a variation in the perceived magnitudes of its two inevitable components - distance and time - and not of a constancy of same, as previously assumed. The greater the velocity of such other bodies (as perceived from the stationary or slower-moving perspective), the greater is the extent of this perceived variation. Seemingly, this recognition follows from the requirement that all moving bodies must so move within the constraints of a limited continuum of possible velocities - with a maximum at the 'far' end of that continuum.

72.     [Describing the bodies and/or the coordinate system in which they may move as 'rigid' apparently obviates any subsequent explanations in terms of bodies physically 'contracting' or time inexplicably 'dilating' (as per Lorentz's hypotheses). It also makes consistent and predictable the measurements of such motion. It is only as viewed from a differently moving environment that the effect of the additional velocity of that other environment on activities therein can be appreciated. It is thus only from such a perspective that some allowance or adjustment in what is so perceived must be made in regard to the components of velocity of any and all moving bodies so observed - where those of light whose constancy of velocity (both actual and perceived as such) is responsible for and necessitates those adjusted perceptions of the distance and time elements of the velocity of all bodies moving within the differently moving environments so observed and measured. Thus, even light's 'body' should be subjectable to this same analysis despite it being at the extreme of such effects.] While all bodies moving at some velocity are thus conceived by Einstein as 'rigid' (as is the constant, non-adapting, velocity of light), it is the space and time components of that velocity of all moving bodies that in his conception turn out to be 'malleable' (and thus not, as Lorentz would maintain, the other way round.]

73.        Newton began in his model by defining space and time as independent absolutes (see discussion elsewhere). I believe he set out his stall, his theory - of 'absolutivity' as it were - fairly unambiguously and without too much preamble. As such, these two fundamental aspects of motion were seen as not relative, dependent variables, varying according to any other independent factor(s), but remain unaffected in all circumstances - as two independent background elements to all 'the events' (motions/happenings) in the universe. As mentioned elsewhere also, this 'orientation' to scientific investgations soon became 'second nature' to all concerned for about 3 centuries; it wasn't a position to be defended; there was no opposition to it. Einstein, on the other hand, sets out his stall, his theory - 'of 'relativity' - rather more indirectly and less explicitly. He begins with an analysis and definition of simultaneity although we (eg those initial readers (and many laymen) of his article in 1905, say) are not really aware of what his actual goal may be in this particular regard and thus why felt he must he begins there. We may assume (based admittedly on our later knowledge of his ideas) that it will eventually pertain somehow to a new definition also 'of time' per se. We might also look out (subsequently) for any comparable analysis and definition of space - again as part of his theory. Presumably, they too will differ from those proffered by Newton - which seemed to work so well - until about 1900 at least. He could, for example, be laying the groundwork for an eventual definition of time (and space) not as independent absolutes but, on the contrary, as dependent, 'relative ones' (say) - as foreshadowed above. And as such, they could be applicable to both meanings of that term (and in the case of one of them, very close relations at that (ie as per Minkowski; see later re the new single concept of a four-dimensional 'space-time' continuum).

74.      They would thus not be independent constants (which never vary according to some other independent factor), but rather dependent variables whose values do so depend; or rather now, as a single (if complex) dependent variable (space-time), dependent on factors described above. And, as with Newton, the validity of the ensuing theory and of the definitions of time and space on which they depend, will only be determined by the later availability or otherwise of supporting evidence (and not just on logical derivation or assertion). Both of these scientists thus went out on a limb, as it were, with their suggested interpretations (definitions) of time and space (as integral parts of their theories) and not necessarily as isolated concepts which they would necessarily 'swear by' as some kind of God-given truths to which they alone were privy. They were, rather, but parts of their overall theories and thus open to eventual questioning and testing. They would fall or not depending on their relevant predictive powers and internal consistencies. Moreover, while it may well structure his theory most effectively and logically to start his exposition by defining such fundamental concepts in the area of motion as time (via simultaneity) and space, we may recall that his startling 'discovery' of their relativity only materialised late in the (his 'long') day (as it were). But once so discovered, it must have become obvious to him that this was the essential foundation from which the theory could only now be more systematically constructed and formally (logically) explained (albeit given his earlier remarks about there being only relative motion - and no fixed ether, etc)

75.        It may be useful to clarify, if we can, just what Einstein meant in the concluding sentence of this last (3rd) paragraph of his Introduction - that is, by the terms 'this circumstance' and 'the difficulties'. By 'this circumstance' he seems to be referring to the above mentioned relationships as they had been inadequately investigated within a large body of previous research in which, inter alia, the constancy of the velocity of light was not recognised as the actual basis of various anomalies so found. The variables which inter-relate in electrodynamics will do so in ways which go beyond that of mechanics {seemingly to considerations about the constancy or not of time and space(?); but then why would anyone have done so?? - before his happy tram journey) and sufficient consideration had thus been given to a kinematic analysis of same - specifically that the true constancy of the speed of light wasn't generally appreciated nor its implications so analysed (re time and space) as it didn't accord with the mechanical interpretation of the principle of relativity - so was not the focus of sufficient attention of that kind. To so correct that insufficiency would thus (it seems implied) provide the answer to 'the problem' - which, in turn, was implied in the phrase: 'the difficulties' - by which he seems to be referring to such as the negative results of (such as) Michelson's studies and the not quite adequate 'explanations' provided by Lorentz and/or Poincare and/or to those of Fizeau and others (Bradley and Doppler) which were equally ambiguous in their interpretations of matters which would be seen as ultimately germane to his present concerns and analysis.

76.       However, he fails to exemplify the dictum proferred by a scientist heard recently on the BBC, who said that "The most important role for the scientist was 'To define clearly the Problem". I don't know to what extent he fulfilled that requirement in his two other important papers published that same year (in the same Journal), but in the one in which he presented what he described to his contemporay (M. Besso) as 'my great discovery' (or some such) - being the subject of the present account - Einstein appears for some reason to have been purposely vague in that regard. He certainly is very precise regarding the many 'definitions' on which his theory (ie 'the answer') is subsequently developed (each, in a sense, a mini-hypothesis) but was not so in respect of any description of the precise 'problem(s)' being so carefully addressed and thereby answered. However, the actual main problem may well be implied and derivable from that very, albeit complex, 'answer' (ie by working backwards)! At least, it should be. We shall see:

77.        Thus, in the first three paragraphs of his paper, he at least did provide some clues about what 'the problem' was that he felt needed to be addressed and answered'. It 'had to do with' the need for a more accurate and logically consistent understanding of the principles which determine the motion of all bodies in nature - whether electromagnetic or otherwise. [This arose when one such 'body' proved awkward to handle in the 'old physics'.] Part of the answer was that they could apparently now all be explained within the one over-arching framework of electrodynamics - structured in terms of a generalised principal of relativity. The need for such a theory is revealed in Einstein's reference to the 'difficulties' which this topic was then encountering (presumably over the previous decade or so). They were thus manifested within various inconsistent results reported within this general sphere of research following on from those of Bradley, Fizeau and Doppler concerning light. In particular, the constancy of the velocity of light (as and when it became appreciated) appeared to conflict with the original principle of relativity but, before this was appreciated, there was equal confusion concerning the existence and motion or otherwise of light's assumed medium, the ether, and of its possible role as a fixed reference criterion - seemingly of importance to many as an explantion of other anomalies as mentioned earlier by Michelson; see paragraph 182). The work of Hertz, Michelson and especially Lorentz in the 1880s and '90s further revealed these 'difficulties' in electrodynamics. And the answer to this 'problem' was implied within his comment regarding the 'circumstance' (of the kinematics of certain relationships - as just mentioned) which required sufficient consideration (ie in order to resolve those difficulties/provide that answer). Examining any role of an ether had thus further confounded recognition of the real problem - seemingly - so this would not form a part of the present analysis.

78.      Evidence that the Earth moved through a still ether - based on an appropriately varied velocity of light - would have saved them (eg Michelson and Lorentz) a lot of trouble. But this wasn't found and rather than point the finger at a stubborn constancy of that light's speed (which would have been incompatible with the current principle of relativity), they sought to account for the failure to establish that fixed ether by assuming that it existed nevertheless (despite that lack of evidence) and that it served not only as a substantive medium for light (consistent with the prevailing mechanical view) but also (by the 'real' motion implied) 'to contract the materials of the interferometer travelling at 30,000 kph relative to it (if not, as initially claimed, physically 'against' it. [Seemingly, Lorentz felt that the electromagnetic forces involved in that contraction of a body's particles were only generated when the inherent charges moving with same did so in absolute terms (ie 'relative' to an absolutely still ether in which they, as everything, were assumed to exist). Did this reflect the same 'misreading of Faraday's induction law as pointed out (as a most fundamental aspect of the basis of his theory) by Einstein? And if it did, were there other recent or contemporary ideas then 'abroad' to which Einstein's destruction of the idea of absolute rest also prove relevant? (As Hertz or...?) Or, was it only vis a vis Lorentz??

79.     In any case, it is ironic that Einstein would say that the motion of the sub-atomic charges underlying Lorentz's contractions needn't actually be 'absolute'; their relative motion itself would have been sufficient - if indeed such contraction actually occurred thereby. But as he would deny that it did so, it was academic in any case.] And, by some alchemy, the 'local time' was also conversely (and conveniently) 'dilated' in Lorentz's equations while this was occurring. By appropriately adjusting the usual Galilean transformations (accordingly - in terms of both these hypothesised contractions and dilations) when applied to such measurements (later called 'Lorentzian transformations), everything appeared to come out alright in the end (when so re-interpreting Michelson). It was rather 'too neat' - even though, amazingly (or 'necessarily'?), the arithmetic was spot on.]

80.       [While Einstein sets out his two postulates (based on his minimally supported assertion that (a) there is no absolute rest and (b) unstated findings as have 'already been shown', and (seemingly) on Maxwell's equations, respectively) and his equal assertion that there is no need for an ether - either as medium or as a location for such a stationary system which might be thought to be necessary to provoke spatial contraction or temporal dilation (for which, whether as ether-based or otherwise, there was no evidence and even some against), there is no indication that these elements in his reasoning transpired in any particular logical order or sequence. Once arrived at - by his admitted years of mental trial and error - he could set them out ('after the fact', as it were) in whatever form and order he felt would best (most logically and clearly) reveal the underlying truths (only thereby revealed) about the electrodynamics of moving bodies. That is, after he had 'figured it all out' - by who knows what means and in what order. We do know, however, that he did say at one point later that, after his long 10 year struggle "...suddenly it came to me...that 'time' (and its inevitable association with signal velocity) was the key.." - ie presumably to unlocking a (?side) door of the room which contained the answer to the problem (of finding a source for the variations in time and space that he saw (via Lorentz's theory and some of his own reasoning) very likely were necessary to resolve the incompatability - but to do so without recourse to a fixed ether).

81.     As he reveals to us the 'kinematics' of moving bodies, the place and role of relative time (and seemingly of space as well) should become more apparent. However, it might have been better if he had first provided a clearer basis as to why he suspected that these particular factors might be the source of the difficulties he seeks to resolve in his theory. If we re-examine his last two sentences of paragraph 3, we see that he............(to be completed).

82.      The original principle of relativity assumed that every body in nature should vary its velocity according to any variation in the velocity of relevant frames of reference (eg in that of their source). This was because all known laws of nature (according to the requirements of which all such bodies move in response to applied forces), while operating identically on all all such reference frames, did allow such bodies to move, in addition, according to the velocity of the frames on which those forces applied, when measured from a differently moving frame. But such laws were in fact those of mechanics only. Laws of electrodynamics, including that for the velocity of light, didn't allow the velocity of the frame emitting the light to be added to that of light itself (to determine its final overall velocity), since (unlike bodies moving in responses to the forces of mechanics), its law stated on the contrary, that its speed could not be added to (boosted), nor reduced, from its original velocity. This was a major part of the more general requirement that all (known) laws of nature should operate as their law requires in all reference frames. But accepting that light alone did not follow that of mechanical bodies in being boosted by their reference frame represented a huge problem for that original principle. Its terminology had to be re-phrased to encompass a greater generality - one that in fact had always if unknowingly applied; its effects at normal slow speeds being too slight to recognise.

83.       It may well have been that it was only when Einstein took on board the validity of that constancy - ie first - that he (only then?) realised that something assumed as part of the original principle of relativity must therefore have to be adjusted to incorporate this later realised/accepted but precedent reality (and so manifest itself within new transformation equations which were compatible with these facts). While he may also have convinced himself early on that there was no absolute rest, and that therefore, the principle of relativity was the only means in terms of which the motion of all bodies could be explicable, he seems not to have concluded at about the same time that, with no absolute rest, another feature of nature must also (immediately) follow - namely that time and space can not be absolute themselves but must in fact vary. Rather, the latter conclusion likely only came to him (ie "suddenly...") when he realised that it was the incorrect assumptions of their absolute natures (underlying the original principle of relativity - which had gone some way to denying the need for a principle of absolutivity) that had to give in order to allow that principle, so adjusted, to prove compatible with the (already accepted?) constancy of the velocity of light. For they were the only elements left in the kinematics of the motion of all bodies that could so adjust - given that there was only relative motion and its associated principle; without a system of absolute rest, there was no 'absolutivity' principle to turn to - with its own set of laws. All laws functioned equally in all differently moving environments - the only kind there were; there was no stationary absolute environment that would require laws unique to itself. All laws had 'evolved' to prove mutually consistent within our universe of (only) moving parts. Uniform movement has no effect on them. Its where they 'grew up', as it were. They know nothing else. Hence the principle of relativity.

84.     In order that the one law of nature which itself entails a 'constancy' of velocity of a particular category of 'happening' (changes/motion of physical systems) in nature (that is, despite any motion of its source or target, its always the same speed), the principle of relativity (which itself concerns velocity) must require a recognition that the two components of velocity - time and space - do (ie must) vary according to the relative velocities of the frame(s) of reference from or by which such happenings are measured. This 'in-built' reality is not apparent nor significant at the normal velocities of most everyday happenings, but becomes increasingly so as those speeds approach that of the one law of nature which entails this constancy - ie the velocity of light (in a vacuum) - by which, confusingly, such signal limitations (and thus our perceptions) are determined.

85.      [It must have been while mentally manipulating the various factors of motion and their inter-relationships that it eventually came to him ...that 'time' was the key...'. This occurred after his imagined 'tram journey'. For even after concluding that some variability in time and space was beginning to appear to be the case, he needed a realistic basis to account for or exemplify this in nature - and his tram journey seems to have revealed this!] This must have been followed shortly by considering that the speed of anything, entailing as it does both time and distance (space), indicated that as such speeds approach that of light, so the extent of the alteration in the variable magnitudes of both these elements of velocity would have to alter accordingly - ie as such speeds became a greater proportion of that of light (although this seeming limitation may simply be a correlate of the actual cause of the limitation - namely the greater the lag in receipt of the information 'about' the time and space variables underlying the velocity measures concerned). They would no longer be seen (and wrongly assumed) as being absolute and constant. The original Galilean transformations (which Einstein was probably mentally manipulating when 'it suddenly came to him...' wouldn't accommodate the new reality of a constancy of any phenomena. [He likely had already accepted these.] Lorentz's transformations adapted to the anomalies of Michelson's results in ways that proved accurate but based on false conceptions of why such adjustments were necessary. He hadn't accepted that Michelson's result was due to light's speed being a constant. Einstein realised that such adjustments (in the transformation equations) could be accounted for in a more realistic (if very surprising) way. There would be no actual physical contraction or time dilation. What there would be was superficially very similar to these variations but rather difficult to explain. But at least these equations provided a kind of framework or check that his were of that same form. We may now continue with an analysis of the remainder of Einstein's paper where the basis for this conclusion, and the implications of light's speed being an upper limit of the velocity of anything, will hopefully be revealed to us]:

     [Note: An additional resume of the 1st three paragraphs of the 1905 paper is firstly placed here - to be integrated into the foregoing - in the event that its different focus may help clarify certain aspects:

A Second Resume of the 1st 3 papagraphs of the 1905 Paper.

86.      'This second resume and analysis of the early part of Einstein's paper 'On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies' is intended to better determine its line of reasoning - as the latter seems to be based on certain aspects of mechanics that are not fully described in that part of the paper in any detail. Thus he begins (as we've noted above) by citing two examples from the domain of electrodynamics which of itself is quite reasonable since this is, after all, the essential topic/title of his paper. But both its development and the title of the paper might be better understood if considered initially within the wider or even contrasting context of the mechanics of moving bodies, as evolved earlier by Galileo and Newton, since it emerges out of this sphere. [A review of Maxwell's theory of the electrodynamics of stationary bodies would also prove useful here.]

87.      Thus, Galileo first explained how activities on the (to him) moving Earth (or, equally, on a smoothly-moving ship) could and did proceed just as the laws of mechanics would predict, without such difficulties (as 'things flying all over the place'), despite his (and Copernicus') conviction that the Earth actually moved, around the Sun, rather than it being the other way around. Before this, the Church had always maintained that the Earth was the unmoving centre of the Universe. So, anything on the Earth forced into some movement would begin the resulting motion effectively from a truly 'still' condition and then move by an amount that exactly reflected the extent of the force so moving it, no more and no less; there would be no extra motion due to any movement by the Earth itself. But if the Earth actually did move, relative to the Sun, an explanation was needed as to why things upon it would nevertheless move in very predictable ways, according to the laws of mechanics, and not be disturbed by the Earth's motion. This explanation was provided by Galileo's concept of Inertia. Because of inertia, the prior status of all bodies moving steadily with the essentially uniformly-moving Earth had no effect on the laws of mechanics applied to them. For all bodies to which any force was applied would begin their response from exactly the same neutral 'starting point' - that is, one of steady, unpreturbed motion but effectively zero acceleration - whatever the relative velocity of their particular frames of reference. Newton later incorporated this same principle within his famous 'Principia Mathematics' concerning his important laws of motion.

88.     This application or expression of Inertia in the domain of mechanics was eventually referred to as the Principle of Relativity which states essentially that any difference in the smooth motion (velocity) of large bodies (as planets, trains, planes etc) between themselves has no effect on the mechanics of smaller bodies that may transpire on any of them, providing only that such pre-existing, relative motion is straight and uniform. While this principle is often quoted in the abstract as the rationale of why certain conclusions in mechanics (or, later, electrodynamics) may be arrived at, it is important (I believe) to be able to analyse and keep in mind the actual basis for such a conclusion - ie in terms of the foregoing mechanisms or rationale underlying that principle, rather than typically mentioning only the principle per se. And while the Earth is not absolutely still but moves, its actual motion isn't absolute either; it does move but that movement is relative - to the Sun - not absolute. For it to be absolute, there would have to be some body to which such movement could be compared or referred that was itself absolutely 'at rest'. But all known bodies in the universe, including even the Sun, are in motion relative to something else. The motion of a ship or plane is therefore also not absolute with respect to such as a nearby dockside, say, or the Earth itself. In all such cases in the domain of mechanics, motion is always relative to something else; and either element in such comparisons may be seen as the one 'moving' more (or faster) or less (or slower) than the other - since the mathematics are identical whether the sign is positive or negatve. Thus, all bodies moving in relation to each other possess no properties that correspond to absolute motion or rest and all a have equal precedence as far as which is conceived as being the more relevant viewpoint ('observer's platform').

89.      On the other hand, the two examples from the domain of electrodynamics (vs mechanics) which Einstein cites at the actual beginning of his paper concern the motion of certain bodies in nature (namely, electrons) that, in his view, has been wrongly accepted as being affected only by what may be termed the apparent absolute motion of one of the elements concerned (or at least something comparable to that). Thus, firstly, it was generally believed that the electrons in a conductor could only be provoked into motion (as an electric current) by the force produced when a magnet moved in the vicinity of a stationary (electron-containing) conductor. The converse was generally assumed not to result in their motion. The former case was thus tantamount to assuming that a kind of absolute motion by the magnet, with respect to a 'still' conductor, was the necessary arrangement to provoke this electrodynamic action. However, Einstein points out that this motion of the electrons actually depends only on the mutually relative motion of either or both these respective elements - the magnet and the conductor - as first noted by Faraday. Either may be viewed as the moving element - but with the effects depending only on their relative motion, one to the other, with neither ever being absolute or taking precedence. When generalized to all of physics (or nature), this will have profound significance and implications - as expresed belwow through the principle of relativity.

90.      Secondly, he points out that attempts to establish that the Earth (like the magnet in a way) moves in some absolute sense - in this case not with respect to the Sun but with respect to an absolutely stationary ether that was alleged to surround the Earth - have been unsuccessful. (This must refer in particular to Michelson's experiments of the 1880s. The failed attempt to establish this relied on obtaining a difference in the velocity of light (propagated by means of such an ether) measured with and then perpendicular to the direction of the Earth's motion.) Without specifying either Michelson's specific experiments, nor Lorentz's questionable attempts to explain such negative results, Einstein then alludes to other failed examples of these sorts which, he says, "...suggests that...the same laws of electrodynamics and optics will be valid for all frames of reference for which the equations of mechanics hold good." In other words, just as all the laws of mechanics obey the principle of relativity (for the detailed reasons elaborated earlier), so the above and similar examples (and other rationales which he only later cites) suggest that all laws of electrodynamics also should do so (without being adjusted for any special cases; ie the same laws). In both domains, maintains Einstein, there is only relative motion and relative rest - never any absolute forms of either. [Note that in my earlier 'insertion' after paragraph 38, I have interpreted Einstein's second example as representing the mechanical sphere; this may need further thought.]

91.      Being thus merely 'suggested', he initially calls this statement a 'conjecture' but, reflecting his confidence in it seemingly, it is soon expressed in his paper as a more formalised 'postulate'. As such, it is referred to as 'the principle of relativity' but, as will become apparent, it will be of a more generalised form than the similarly named principle of Galileo or Newton - which (as it turned out) applied only to mechanics (and not entirely accurately either); this altered version incorporates electrodynamics into which mechanics will be subsumed. (Note however that one should, as above, be able nevertheless to account for why this principle should apply to all laws of nature (including that for light) in terms of the actual 'mechanism' by which this principle functions, applies or comes about and not rely simply on some abstract reasoning or analogy as to why it should (somehow) be universally applicable - as a kind of abstraction.) As with mechanics, so with electrodynamics, bodies moving in relation to each other should possess no properties that correspond to absolute motion or rest. [Unless light itself (and its very small 'bodies' (quantum packets)) is an exception ? No, it is merely 'at a limit' and the absence of any absolutism in nature and the role of inertia apparently applies equally here as well. ]

92.      In any case, without making it explicit or clear, there seems to have been an implication in his conjecture about the more general applicability of this principle that without such failed examples to cite (and those 'other rationales' that he would later quote), there must have been some basis on which such laws of electrodynamics and/or optics were, before he pointed out such examples and rationales, more generally asssumed not to have come under the purview of the traditional principle of relativity - at least as it was interpreted at that time. This basis is implied in his second postulate which he ?necessarily presents almost simultaneously with the first one (ie in the very same sentence). This is that "the velocity of light (in a vacuum) is a constant not varied by the velocity of its emitting source" (nor, as later indicated (where?), by that of its observer or measuring instrument). To the extent that this hypothesised feature of light was generally accepted before 1905, it could be understood why it was necessary to present some evidence (and related hypothesis) that suggested that, despite this unusual (indeed unique) characteristic of light (and other electromagnetic waves), such electrodynamic phenomena should somehow also fall within the ambit of a principle of relativity (necessarily of a more general application) and do so for the reasons cited above. Given that this 'law; (of light's constant speed) was simply one of the total laws of nature to which the now generalized principle of relativity applied (by definition), the addition of the 2nd postulate might be considered redundant - as it was already implied within the main postulate - but it must have been felt that its unusual nature required special focus (as it had so conflicted with the traditional principle of relativity) and thus its equal presence and attention - to explain how its uniqueness can now be incorporated into the perview of a broader principle of relativity, as defined above, and elaborated further below:

93.      Thus the term 'somehow' is appropriate above because this characteristic of light may well, on initial consideration, appear to be incompatible with the (traditional) principle of relativity - as that principle had applied to mechanics. In fact, Einstein's theory of the electrodynamics of moving bodies (later to be called the theory of special relativity), consists essentially in providing a rationale for showing that his two postulates are in fact not incompatible; that light should also be expected to accord with this now more generalised (and adapted) principle. That is, that the constancy of the velocity of light whether measured within the same system of reference from whence it was sourced or measured from a different system, moving at a different velocity, will always remain and be measured as its law requires - at its one constant speed even after considering the extra velocity to which its source may have been subjected. This is what the new principle of relativity requires of all its laws - that they perform exactly as they should (as they state) whatever the difference in the speeds of the frames of reference concerned. His theory would thus seek to show how the application of the relevant transformation equations while allowing fitting increases or decreases in the net values of the motion of all 'normal' bodies due to the speeds of their immediate frames of reference (vis a vis some 'neutral' viewpoint - as the traditional principle of relativity expected), would also allow the complete lack of any such increase or decrease in the speed of light regardless of the speed of its immediate reference frame - as the law of the constancy of the speed of light required - thus fulfilling the dictum of the new principle of relativity with which all laws of nature must accord/be compatible with.

94.      While this actual compatibility (in the case of light) is exactly what Einstein's postulate concerning his new general principle of relativity would explain and predict - that is, that this electrodynamic law about light's constant velocity (like any law of nature, including those of mechanics), and the measurement of same, should not be affected by any difference in the velocities of its own source as compare to that of a differently-moving system from where it may be observed and measured, there was a difficulty. The seeming incompatibility referred to (vis a vis the old principle of relativity) came about because the consistency of all laws of mechanics, whatever the differing speeds of the reference systems concerned in their occurence and measured outcomes (as represented by the principle of relativity), is only manifested directly when measured within their 'own' reference systems (as on a fast-moving train or on an airplane, say). When occuring on the train but measured from the train station say, through which it is moving at some (smooth) speed, any velocity of a body caused to move on the train will, in relation to the station, amount to its own newly achieved motion, as measured relative to the inside of the train (ie just as measured before), but plus now that due to the speed of the train itself (in relation to the station). This reality causes the original principle of relativity no problem however since its focus is really on the the actual net speed of the body concerned within the train alone (as meets the law of its mechanics, after some force is applied to it). This is what the original principle required and generally correctly predicts. To verify this, it is simply necessary to subtract - by way of the appropriate transformation equation - that latter velocity from the totality of the velocity of the body as measure from outside.

95.     A difficulty arises when such a subtraction (as provided by Galileo's transformations) does not maintain the law's requirement - as in the case of the electrodynamic law for light! For this particular law requires that light's velocity is not affected by the velocity of the faster emitting source - which would thus make it incompatible with Galileo's version of the principle of relativity, at least with its usual transformations which effectively seek the 'net' velocity of a moving body after adjusting for the full velocity of the emitting source - by subtracting that latter speed. And yet, Einstein was convinced that that principle, in its essence at least (ie as described in its detail above), was basically valid. But it should apply to all laws of motion, including that pertaining to light (despite its unique character - of not, in fact, gaining any boost (say) from a faster moving source (ie its immediate frame of reference). It is for this reason that Einstein felt that a more generalised and adapted principle of relativity was probably required, one which would apply to all laws in nature, both mechanical and electrodynamic - and thus with necessarily adjusted transformations. Such adjustments would therefore require an explanatory rationale as to the basis of their new form.

96.     A new formula was thus necessary by which means the net velocity of all bodies in nature, ie after subtracting (some proportion - as all, some or none - of) that due to say a faster reference or emmitting system, was still as their various laws dictated. For light, this would require the subtraction of none - ie zero percent - of the velocity represented by the faster (emitting) system, but for all other bodies a subtraction of somewhere between just above zero and (as formerly found and most typically) 100 percent (or thereabouts) of the velocity of the relevant (faster) system concerned.* Between these two extremes, the percentage of the faster system's velocity that would be subtracted (from the total speed measured incuding that due to the force acting on any body therein) would depend on the extent of the totality of such faster velocities (ie of the body and its system) and, crucially, this would be provided by new transformation equations in which the values of time and space would necessarily become variable (which, effectively, 'allows' the velocity of light to remain constant, as its law requires, and allows the dimensions of moving bodies to remain rigid not physically contractable and the clock time measures for their motion to also remain physically unmalleable; apparently, only the perception of these so alters although there is no other means of establishing any other 'view' of time and space than those perceptions. They are our reality.

[* Such adjustments means that the net velocities remaining after the subtraction of often less than 100 percent of the faster reference system's added velocity would be slightly different than the values calculated previously using the Galilean transformations.]p> 97.      It is fortunate that Einstein's theory doesn't require a concept of absolute rest (as allegedly provided by a still ether which was hypothesised by Fitzgerald and Lorentz to cause a contraction in the material structure of bodies moving in such an absolute sense through it) as it would resolve its one difficulty by another means - namely by adjusting the original principle of relativity (to become his 2nd postulate) so that the apparent incompatability with it (ie the difficulty) which accepting his 2nd postulate about light's constant velocity appeared to indicate, would be resolved. That adjustment entailed instead revised conceptions (?perceptions) about the previously assumed invariablity (non-relativity) of Time and Space underlying the velocity of the bodies concerned.

99.      'Note: It would appear that the Constancy of the velocity of light (ie c) - and the eventual realisation of its universal validity by Einstein - was the prime reality which ultimately insisted upon an altered conception of nature, but that the consequent recognition that a more validly-based principle of relativity was (subsequently therefore) also required indicated that this latter (revised) principle (based on a new conception of time and space) - once discovered - would prove to be an equally necessary contribution before the final conception could be fully and finally realised. Once that principle was so adapted (generalised), it could later be maintained that it was the over-arching determinant all the time. [Again, however, the basis for this must be explicable in terms of the mechanism through which that principle operates!] Once it was so appreciated, the Constancy of the velocity of light (c) had either to be a single exception in nature and thus an exception to the existing principle of relativity or a way had to be found to 'modify' and generalise (the actual workings of!) that principle (in response) so that it could incorporate (be compatible with) that equally insistent Constancy (and of all other laws of nature) - and so would not be an exception in that regard, and not the other way around, and thus be recognised as falling under the umberella of that more general principle of relativity.

100.       But the former was not really an option, since without any absolute resting place in space, there was nowhere in which laws of nature could be (or had ever been) distinguished in their operation on that (moving vs 'still) basis (ie and so identify such a unique environment) which left as an alternative means some law which alone could allow such a differentiation. All our laws of nature have evolved in relation to our variously (if relatively) moving environments on which they prove consistent, reliable and valid (almost by definition); if they hadn't, we wouldn't be here; nor they! [But inertia?] ). But while the reality of the Constancy of the velocity of light had always been the case (ie one such evolved law), even if only recently recognised as such, there had never been any evidence pertaining to light's speed which could be cited as indicating that any particular frame of reference (environment) could be distinguished in terms of being 'faster, slower, more stationary or more mobile (or whatever) than any other - ie on that basis.

101.       It was concluded therefore that, as far as one could tell, the principle of relativity must in reality be so based (ie on 'relative', variable or 'malleable' magnitudes of time and space) as to be compatible with all laws of nature within a single conception of motion, including that concerned with the velocity of light (and must of course have been so based all along). This was required in order that the differing speeds of reference systems 'made no difference' (which is the principle of relativity) - for all laws. The reason why this must be the case may also need explaining. Thus, it was as if light's speed couldn't be the 'malleable' element but had to remain constant or rigid then time and space had to give up being seen as unyieldingly constant and have their 'malleable' roles recognised. This strikes me as providing (a little) more in the way of explanation than simply asserting, without explanation, that 'all laws of nature 'must' accord with the principle of relativity' per se (even if they do) - as a basis for justifying...anything.

102.      However, another justification of similar form is provided by Hermann Bondi when he says, in effect, light's speed can't be an exception to the principle of relativity because of something he calls 'the principle of the unity of physics'. That is, he says: 'The Principle of the unity of physics requires that systems that cannot be distinguished by internal dynamic experiments (ie in mechanics) should be indistiguishable by any internal experiments'. We are thus driven, says Bondi, with virtually no means of escape, to Einstein's more general Principle of Relativity.' The 'force' of that drive was (?prior) realisation of the Constancy of light's velocity. Well, if ever asked, I can quote this but must admit, I'd prefer rather more concrete detail or an actual example of what he means by that generalised abstraction concerning the apparent primacy of something called 'the principle of unity'. We may also ask ourselves whether Einstein felt that it would be better to present his theory as though it unfolded in his mind in some particular logical order even if he 'happened upon' certain insights in some different order, worked it all out from that perspective and only later 're-arranged' it as now presented. Will we ever know?

103.      Further discussion on this point is given below in which the demands of there being only relative motion and only moving parts to our universe (no still platforms) resulted in the evolution of laws of nature (ie those that survived and work consistently here) adapted to this reality. They all must work equally in all moving environments such that there is a consistency (a unity) of their operation from whatever perspective/platform/frame of reference they are perceived. Otherwise, they may well not be here; nor we to consider it. [But, the idea of 'perception' brings observers (like us) into the equation and surely the laws must work equally whether we happened to have evolved or not? True, but within each differently-moving environment all laws of motion operate identically in any case; it is just that they must appear to do so to any (who have evolved) viewing same from other platforms. Why!? Because they're 'our' laws...or? Yes, partly; we construct concepts which prove consistent with our sensory and perceptive apparatus as our only way of knowing/experiencing our ever-moving universe and its apparent 'laws'. Thus, we have concepts of space and time (now combined into one) by which means we can make sense of our perceptions of differing motions of bodies of either differing masses or acted upon by differing magnitudes of force, or both from our constantly moving perspectives. There are only moving perspectives and smooth, uniform motion - whatever its relative speeds - does not affect our laws - even that one entailing motion itself - and it apparently does so by virtue of adjustments in our perceptions of time, distance and mass. But it was soon appreciated by Einstein that one must be able to account equally for all (?uniformly) accelerated (vs unchanging) motions as well - as would be represented within his later general theory of relativity.

104.      [Note: The theory of special relativity can be defined in a fairly general and succinct manner as a theory based on the idea that all laws of nature should be the same for all observers whatever their differing (uniform) speeds and viewpoints. But this tends to subsume that most unique law of nature - that pertaining to the constancy of the speed of light - within some anonomous totality of such laws and so masks almost entirely the crucial role of having to find the only way by which the one law of nature pertaining to a constant speed of motion (of anything) could be made compatible with that principle of relativity - concerned as it is with the effective non-effect of differently-moving reference systems. It would seem too simple to suggest that Einstein merely reasoned that his assumption that the laws of nature do not depend on one's motion meant that the speed of light too must therefore be found to be the same by different observers whatever their differing speeds - ie simply because it too was just another 'law of nature'. Such conclusions arrived at solely on the basis of such grand general principles and reasoning seems almost too easy. Rather, he would seem to have concluded that all laws of nature, including that relating to the constancy of the speed of light, may well not depend on one's speed - but only after he figured out how that latter constancy could somehow be reconciled with an appropriate principle of relativity - ie by conceiving all motion (of bodies) as falling within a single conception of motion from zero mph up to a maximum possible velocity of 186,000 mpsecond (which is the speed at which light 'happens ' to move. Once he had resolved that (eg 'Is there an answer...etc'?), he could see that observers moving at different speeds could report that light's speed did remain the same for both of them - but only by disagreeing on the time and distance each believed the light travelled. This important latter aspect would seem to have been concluded only after much analysis and confusion. Measurements of distance and time thus depended on one's speed relative to some relevant reference frame. Seemingly, measures of mass would also so depend (see below).]

105.      And, having worked this out, Einstein (or others?) could then state the more general truth that all laws remain the same whatever one's speed - and call that 'the (special) theory of relativity': all motion is relative to a given frame of reference and any such motion (of bodies) implies time, distance and mass - which are thus all relative themselves to the relevant reference system. Everything remains internally consistent therein but may be perceived as having different values when observed from a system moving at a (relatively) different speed (due ultimately to the inevitable lag in receipt of the relevant information). The lengths of feet and seconds, say, to measure some standard motion of any body, including those of light, will appear quite normal to those in one moving environment but will appear different (ie longer or shorter) to those observing same from their own, differently moving (ie faster or slower) environment, while their own measures for these same motions will appear to themselves just the same as those used in the other environment appear to those there and vice versa. Their perceived magnitudes are thus relative to the relative speeds of each other's frames of reference. At slow speeds (little different from each others), these magnitudes will appear almost identical but if their respective speeds are somehow vastly different, they (lengths of time and distance) may appear quite significantly different in the others' locality despite measuring the same (rigid) things. Is it all similar to the fact that a house or tree you're standing beside looks quite tall but ordinary, yet those someway down the street look much smaller - yet we quite accept this without question or surprise?]

106.      Seemingly, light would not only not require ether's assumed property of total stillness (absolute rest), it wouldn't require its alleged property as a luminiferous medium either; It must simply propagates itself somehow (neither aided nor hindered by any such 'ethereal substance') despite its assumed wave-like character. Thus the inclusion of the term 'luminiferous' is a little diverting from his actual concern here. For such a medium is primarily not required in Einstein's perspective on it, as a repository for a concept of absolute rest - which would follow from the primacy he gave to his denial that such an entity existed. There was thus, in his conception, only relative motion. [But, he also appears to make no reference to the third role (ie beyond that of either a medium or an absolutely stationaty space/system) for an ether - ie as the very crucial factor in Lorentz's interpretation - as that which is responsible for the contraction of a body's space - due to that still ether's effect on electromagnetic spatial arrangements within any body passing through it. But, in any case, that seems to be due to the ether's state of absolute rest which (somehow) acts on the truly (absolutely) moving electron's front-back dimensions.]

107.      We may contrast Einstein's brief reference here (and not earlier) to this concept of the ether and the relevance its stated non-existence (or non-necessity) had on his theory with that seemingly implied by Hawking - as a more definite raison d'etre for elaborating the theory in the particular form and order he did.] And while this 'stillness' aspect was unrequired by him, something like an ether might still exist as 'a wave medium' (a kind of 'field') - although Einstein's reading of Maxwell's theory may have indicated to him that there was no need for this other (medium) role for an ether either - something that Maxwell himself appears not to have accepted before his early death. However, Einstein seems to confound these two roles of ether - without making any clear differentiation in terms of their relevance to his own theory. My later conclusion that the main development of his reasoning might best place this assertion and premise at or near the beginning of his logic (even if it may have been placed there only in retrospect - by anyone trying to set out a more logical format of general principles) - is certainly not supported in any obvious way when he inserts this aspect at the point he did. We may reasonably assume that he was simply saying essentially that his two postulates alone were sufficient for his theory - with no need additionally for an ether concept, whether as a medium or as a source of absolute rest. He also denies the need for any 'velocity-vector to be assigned to a point in this otherwise imagined still space for the proper functioning there of electromagnetic processes. [I'm not yet sure to what this latter aspect refers although it seems to allude to the idea that there is no (or no need for any) absolute (non-relative) positional or directional attribute to space.]

Einstein's Kinematics and Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies

108.       Following his three Introductory paragraphs, Einstein presents his actual theory in two major Parts - focused on Kinematics and Electrodynamics, respectively. [His paper may equally well have been titled 'On the Kinematics and Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies' in that his kinematics prove to be so fundamental to his theory.] He begins his elaboration of the basis of his theory rather ambiguously in Part I - by immediately defining in Section 1 the concept of 'Simultaneity'. He provides no basis for choosing to focus firstly on this particular topic at the very outset of his analysis although it may reasonably be appreciated that this is a slightly indirect means of focusing on the relativity of Time - which topic we might at least suspect to be rather fundamental in that it was the subject of his eventual 'eureka' moment. (But on what basis might we suspect this ?) We can only point out that he states in summation at the end of his 3 introductory paragraphs that the theory of the electrodynamics of moving bodies to be developed arises from his 2 postulates alone, with no need for a concept of absolute rest (as some believed was associated with an alleged still ether) - as the utility of that approach would apparently be replaced by that of a new (generalised) form of the principle of relativity (postulate 1) (but again, how do we know this?) in which (as, admittedly, we are not yet privy in his paper) the long accepted concepts of invariable time and space will necessarily be replaced with their actual (or perceptual?) variabilities. (His earlier assertion that the incompatability as between that postulate and his 2nd one regarding light was in fact only 'apparent' might also point to some necessary adjustment in the measurement of the underlying time and space - as the basis of resolving that suggested misunderstanding. But, again, why?

109.       In any case, such a new theory will also be based (as are all electrodynamics, says Einstein) on a kinematic analysis of the relationships between (the velocities) of all moving bodies, including electromagnetic ones, and the clocks, measuring rods and systems of coordinates by which (only) such velocities and relationships can be validly determined. Kinematics thus deals with the geometry and perceptions of moving bodies - of whatever size and however moved - by whatever forces and energy. The inclusion of clocks and measuring rods in this theoretical analysis certainly again hints at his likely focus on the components of measures of velocity - namely, both time and distance (space) - in which the idea of their suspect invariablity might again possibly be suggested; so we would seem to be partly privy, at least, to his intentions by this point. An analysis of such relationships will thus, he states, be require (at a more sufficient level than has been the case previously) in order to resolve 'the difficulties' which this subject was then still encountering - ie in making consistent and valid predictions concerning the motion (ie velocity) of all such bodies. Again, as with the 1904 paper by Lorentz, this is a theoretical analysis which, while it may prove consistent with explaining certain results concerning the motion of light, it will ultimately require objective evidence that this new interpretation about light, time and space are confirmed. And even then (as with Lorentz's views) it should be the case that any such new factors involved can't be explained as well by some other interpretation. Thus, for example, might there still be some kind of 'ether' extant - as electric, magnetic or gravitational 'fields' - which has a role - as moving with the Earth, say ?

110.      Thus, as mentioned, Einstein begins his analysis by considering the subject of simultaneity. This is an indirect means of addressing the related and fundamental matter of the relativity of Time. It seems it was through his 'sudden' realization that 'Time' was a crucial consideration in the problem with which he had been wrestling in 1903-05 (and even earlier), and specifically that it was not possible to establish the same time at two distant points other than by light signals, that he arrived at his crucial insights into the fact that time and space must vary according to the speeds of the observers (or instruments?) measuring moving bodies in each other's (moving) frames of reference, and the more so the greater those speed differences - up to a limit (ie the speed of light). We may note here that Poincare at least had already made reference to this (simultaneity) aspect of analysing time, although in exactly what context, I'm unaware. After he has thus deduced his laws of the Kinematics of moving bodies (as part of his overall theory of same), Einstein develops in Part II the Electrodynamic aspects (with more theory?) in which he can apply the laws so deduced in terms of actual bodies of certain mass subjected to given forces. This would lead on to deductions concerning his famous equation of E = m.c within a few weeks.

[Note; It may be useful to interject the various succinct if rather general and abstract paragraphs (as and where relevant) of Einstein's 1921 Nature article on Relativity amongst the different sections of our analyses of the two theories - eg in a different coloured ink to so identify same - to provide a kind of road map as so considered retrospectively by Einstein - when he may well have seen for the first time just where he had been in his mental travels and how it may now be represented more succinctly - if rather abstractly - in terms then (post-1918, say) of more general concepts.]

[This is described in the article within 16 numbered Sections]:

1. Definition of Simultaneity.

111.      Because it is a kinematic analysis, Einstein begins by defining a (?relatively) stationary three dimensional system of coordinates (x, y, z) - as one initially in which 'Newton's mechanics hold good'. A point (as also, a body) can be defined therein - in terms of x, y, z - which is 'at rest' in this system - its position there being measured by rigid standards of measurement (ie measuring rods or 'rulers'). If this point moves - to a new position within this defined context - it must do so over time and thus at some velocity (as relatively slow, fast or whatever). Now, we must also be clear, says Einstein, just what we mean by 'time' in such a context. Here we see how he is probably leading us to an eventual definition of this latter basic concept - but via this initial analysis of simultaneity - within the classical coordinate system. We may note that, at this point at least, he doesn't also say we must be careful as to exactly what we mean by a 'position in space' (or the 'distance' between two such positions) - although he has possibly already ensured clarity in this regard by defining same carefully - with cartesian spatial coordinates and standard measurements. Presumably these prove just as robust when measuring the point's movement over space (ie 'distance'). The use of a standard time measuring device isn't as objective seemingly (eg cartesian 'temporal coordinates' are presumably needed) as are rigid rulers for distance, in that he points out that when using a clock, we are in effect assuming (making a judgement) about a simultaneity between what it (the position of its hands - often both at the beginning of a body's (here 'point's) movement and, after a time interval, its position at the completion of that movement) shows to our eyes and the actual occurrence of the event (a movement of the point) being timed (or even the actual time?). (This of course entails two such judgements - at the time it begins to move and when it arrives at its new spatial position.)

112.       Thus, we can now better appreciate why he approaches his analysis of time per se from the point of view of defining simultaneity. [Possibly some parallel argument could be developed concerning distance across space entailing assumptions about a 'simulspateity' (or some such) between what a ruler shows and the (?actual movement/distance) of the point over an interval of space being measured (ie not actually merely 'judged') but, as suggested, this is probably already provided - by the cartesian coordinates?] We might also differentiate the simultaneity as between an event (as the motion of a body or even a point in space) and the position of the hands of a clock (both to be perceived by an observer either there or at some distance) and the (lack of) simultaneity as between (one of) the event(s) being the position of the clock's hands themselves, or a point on same (and the other some such motion of a body), and our perception of both at some distance.

113.       Einstein then asserts that such judgements of time - while accurate for events which occur 'near to where the clock is' - 'are no longer satisfactory...when they occur remote from the clock'. [Should he not have added that this was even more the case if such remote events occur in a frame that is also moving at a different speed to that of the local events?] No rationale is provided at this point as to the basis of this important assertion. [We may point out however that it was allegedly while returning from a visit with his colleague Michel Besso on the tram one evening that he noticed the clock on the town hall in Berne and considered how one could establish that it was that same time at some other distant place (as after a journey on that tram taken at near the speed of light). The next morning, he returned to Besso and excitedly reported that he had completely solved their problem (which they had been discussing over some months before). He later said his joy was unbounded for weeks. [Possibly this is why he focused initially on 'time'; maybe this remoteness doesn't apply with respect to the spatial variables?] He then gives an example of a way in which this claimed inadequacy (where such remoteness of the clock may apply) may be overcome (after giving initially a similar one - ie by using light signals - without explaining why this might be seen as a reasonable way of overcoming the inadequacy which he asserted earlier). He provides this initial method after saying that 'of course, we might content ourselves by simply doing this...(such and such)...in using such light signals' (as though this was the more obvious method) but then informs us that this method would in fact be inadequate - 'because it has the disadvantage that it is not independent of the 'standpoint of the observer' with the clock - as we know from experience'. [Presumably he felt that judgements about time and distance may be quite accurate when the observer and clock and ruler are near the event concerned which is thus measured directly re its time and distance but is much less satisfactory when the values to be measured (judged) occurs remote from these measuring devices (and the 'standpoint of the observer').]

114.     He then describes his much more practical (and presumably adequate) method of establishing the accuracy of our timings and thus better guarantees the valid simultaneity (or synchrony) by which such timings can apparently only be validly 'judged' - that is between an actual event and a time reading for it - even where the clock (and observer?) is at a (?fixed and ?known) distance remote from the event (one assumes). This method also uses light signals to which methodology we have in a sense been introduced in the prior if inadequate method - without its rationale being properly explained; it is as though we have been thus 'softened up' to its suitability for this purpose without its relevance, necessity, rationale or suitability being really explained. [Ditto in regard to the accuracy of measuring the distance involved in the remote event.] The events concerned, whether near or remote, appear to still be within the one stationary system.

115.       The timing for the more adequate method is then described thus: Two observers are at markedly separated points A and B in space (eg A could be at x1, y1, z1 and B at x2, y2, z2 some distance away) and each has an identical clock with which they can both accurately time events at or very near their respective points. But neither can accurately time events at the other's location (without certain assumptions, which are not revealed) nor therefore make mutual comparisons. The two respective times are defined as A time (tA) and B time (tB); no single 'common Time' (for A and B) is yet defined however - as Newton would assume with his definition that absolute time was the same everywhere. Of course, thus far, we have no reason to believe that the two times are not identical nor, therefore, the common time for both. We may accept that they may or may not be the same however. The only way that we can define the common time for A and B, says Einstein, is if we establish, by definition, that the time for light to travel from A to B equals that for it to travel from B to A. This assumes (ie by definition) that both the speed of light and the distance between the two point remains constant. [Does Time not exist in the universe other than in terms of our methods of measuring it? What if the Sun went out and there was no light?] If now we let a beam of light leave point A at its A time and travel to B, it will be reflected from B at the latter's now B time back to A, where it will arrive at a new A time - t'A. In accordance with our definition, the two clocks will be synchronised if:

As such, if either clock synchronises with a 3rd clock at C, then all 3 will be synchronised. All such clocks are assumed to be stationary - relative to one another and are thereby synchronous according to our definition. TIME (ie of an event) itself is so defined in these terms - as: that which is given simultaneously with an event by a stationary clock located at the place of the event when that clock is synchronous with (?another) specified stationary clock (located...?where). [For some reason, Einstein doesn't cover the two aspects here questioned.) He then continues with a further assumption (which he says is in agreement 'with experience' - again not revealed here) - namely, that the quantity

116.      That is , that the round trip distance 2AB divided by the time light takes to travel from A to B and back to A is equal to the speed of light in empty space and accepted here as being the universal constant c (as, he has concluded, is shown in Maxwell's equations). Such Time as shown by stationary clocks so synchronised in the stationary system is called 'the Time in the stationary system'. Such a definition thus objectifies what would otherwise be (possibly erroneous) 'judgements' of the simultaneity of clock readings and actual events anywhere in a stationary system. Seemingly, however, the time (if 'seeable') on either distant clock (as viewed from near the other one) would differ slightly from that viewed on the near one by an amount due to the 'lag' in the time taken for the light conveying the information of those clock-hand positions from the one distant location to the other. So, they may have been confirmed to be simultaneous, as described, but would not be seen to be so from either distant location. [One wonders if it might have been possible to define SPACE by like means - only by using what would be assumed to be an already accurately defined Time by which to do so - just as Time has been so defined (albeit later) - by using what one assumes was an already acceptably accurate measures (not judgements) of the distance (space) involved; a bit of a chicken and egg situation? Are we pulling ourselves up by our own bootstraps here?]

117.       In any case, his frequent qualification as to the (?internally) stationary status of his described systems (we may have simply assumed that they were so) would seem to imply that he will shortly be contrasting these with 'moving systems' - to be described subsequently - in each case relative to...?). In such moving systems we might expect that the distance between the two systems would now not be known (and would also be changing continuously at a rate possibly also unknown) and hence the clocks couldn't be accurately synchronized and, crucially, one couldn't calculate the time lag involved in receiving the information about the time or distance intervals comprising any distamt event to be measured. Whatever readings were obtained would have to represent the only available valid magnitudes. This would be exactly the same for anyone viewing the event from the other stance. Is this in fact what he reports below ?] Thus, in Section 2, Einstein then addresses the matter of the relativity of both Time and Space - and presumably in situations where the systems concerned are not (just) stationary, but move. ie:

2. On the Relativity of Lengths and Times.

118.      This section seems to contain the kernel of his theory and is, he states, based upon the two key principles - of relativity and the constancy of the speed of light. He thus starts by defining each of these carefully. The Principle of Relativity has a number of slightly different definitions in the scientific literature (including more than one by Einstein). On this (early) occasion he defines it thus: 'The laws by which the states of physical systems undergo change are not affected, whether these changes (generally the movement of bodies) be referred to one or the other of two systems of coordinates in uniform translatory motion'. In other words, different environments moving at different uniform motions have no discernible effects upon the operation of all laws of nature operating within or on either, as viewed from either (they themselves being effectively oblivious as to which is moving or moving the faster ot slower); Such laws are oblivious to such motion and work the same everywhere, within their own reference systems, regardless. The Principle of the Constancy of the Speed of Light (one of those laws) is then defined as: 'Any ray of light moves within a stationary system of coordinates with the determined velocity c, whether the ray be emitted by a stationary or by a moving source (therein)' (and, it might have been added, whether it is measured from either). As such, the speed of light (c) must always = the distance of light's path (as defined...where?) divided by the duration of the time interval (as defined above) taken by such light. In other words, a pulse of light released within a moving source must travel at the same measured speed within that source's system as it will if measured from another system moving at a different speed. The speed of the first system (the source), if relativly faster than that of the viewing system, would hence provide no additional speed to the light as measured from that latter system - ie using as units of time and space those which prove consistent with the value c - ie equaling the distance the light travels divided by the time taken, in each case where the magnitude of the units concerned for both measures are those as perceived as valid from the (more stationary) viewing platform.

119.       He then presents the logic with which he will demonstrate the consequentrelativity of Space and Time - by which means or outcome the foregoing example whereby no extra speed can be added to that of light (c) (by means of an apparently faster reference system when viewed from a slower one) may be accounted for. Such relativity thus allows the sought after compatibility (where light's law is indeed not affected by any attempted boost in its speed) to be appreciated. Thus, whereas Newton began by defining Space and Time as absolutes - without too much justification or background - and built up his laws of motion and his model generally from that basis (associated with concepts of mass and force), Einstein (after providing some preliminary definitions about simultaneity and stationary systems of coordinates which will prove necessary in his subsequent developments) begins instead by defining or presenting as axioms the aforementioned two apparently (but not actually) incompatible principles of nature - which, individually, can be shown to be valid. But applying these equally (as they had always stood) to the usual measures of motion - ie based on unvarying (absolute) measures of time and space - led to difficulties (as reported by other researchers over the previous 20 years or more). This eventually pointed to a need for those latter measures to so adjust that such difficulties would be overcome when the two principles would be seen to be compatible and so find that the speed of light was indeed unaffected by the speed of its source. The magnitudes of the elements of that speed would have thereby appropriately adjusted' to this end. The principle of relativity would be seen to hold true, with the law of light's speed never found to travel at a speed different from its accepted constant value whatever the velocity of its source.

[We may interject here what ....... Tao described as the 1st step in his 5 step sequence in the derivation (by Einstein) of his famous equation of E = m.c² (described below in paragraph .....); that is, "...by using the two postulates of special relativity, determine how space and time coordinates 'transform under changes of reference frame'...". That is, derive firstly, those new transformations which will effect exactly that - based on his (Einstein's) own premises (just as Lorentz did - based on his own (if invalid) ones) - even if Einstein would honour Lorentz by typically referring in future to these as 'Lorentz transformations' - as they were quantitatively identical and derived slightly earlier.

In detailing this first step towards that famous equation (which thus arises out of the special (not the general) theory of relativity, Tao utilizes mathematical logic of a higher form (in order that all 5 steps can proceed in continuity using a consistent methodology. We shall seek to follow Einstein's own form of reasoning - both here as it arises from his 1905 paper and (later) as given in his 1920 version for the layman - at a less technical level. We intend nevertheless to point out Tao's similar descriptions of steps 2 to 5 - where the phrase 'transform under changes of reference frame' (ie by applying the correct transformation equations based on v/c as described below). 120.      The adjustment of such magnitudes of time and space (which conveniently both allowed that compatibility and overcame those difficulties) proved to depend on the proposition that (the perceptions of) Space and Time must vary (be relative) according to the speed of the immediate environment in which it was being measured when observed from a (relatively) slower or faster neutral environment (due to an unavoidable delay in receipt of the relevant perceptual information conveyed by light signals). Their relativity turns out to be the only way that such an undeniable compatibility can be realized. His theory thus says in effect that these two principles are in fact compatible (by virtue of this surprising but eventually verified re-conception) and shows us the means by which they may be seen to be so - ie by repealing Newton's absolutes and replacing them with their relative equivalents (which of course had been the unappreciated case all along). By this means, the need for a revised interpretion of one of the principles (that of relativity) was appreciated thus allowing its actual compatabliity with the light principle to be the case. On this basis, Einstein could then proceed to develop his laws of (electrodynamic) motion with their apparently inevitable implications for (the perception of) time and distance, and for mass and energy (to be described later).

121.     [Any analysis of the evolution of Einstein's resolution of the problem he is addressing in his famous paper would thus require an explanation of (a) exactly which problem it is he is so addressing (as mentioned above) and (b) the logic of his decision that the application of the two principles as defined, not individually but in combination, could provide a resolution of that problem (and have other significant implications). My own view is that he probably first realised that the Constancy of light's velocity was a fact that had been generally overlooked by most researchers of the later 19th century and that when he analysed what the application of that constancy to various relevant research findings led to then (only secondly) realised that the Principle of relativity would appear to be thereby compromised. As this was apparently not acceptable in contemporary physics (and/or was not consistent with the logic on which he felt that principle was justified), he concluded that something within the set of factors involved in motion generally (as 'overseen', as it were, by the principle of relativity, would have to (be seen to be the case) - something that quite likely related to the factors which Fitzgerald and Lorentz had been manipulating within the relevant Transformation Equations - ie measures of Time and Space - when trying to fit awkward data into the usual mechanical model with its principle of relativity - which assumed constant/absolute time and space. If the previously unrecognised relative values for these (which were revealed or made apparent by holding fast to the value of c in the analysis) resolved the problem, one would of course have then to find a reasonable means by which such values - so revealed) - could come about. What was 'the mechanism'? The valid application of the principle of relativity to the law of light's speed is a statement about what must be the case according to such fundamental principles of nature (apaprently) but this doesn't itself account for how such an outcome actually comes about - only why it should (or even must). These are two different things, one must assume.

122.     While both factors comprising velocity were seemingly involved, it seems it was the concept of Time in particular through which Einstein first had his eureka! moment - that is, that its (?perceived) value/magnitude was not absolute and constant but that it somehow varied according to the speed of the immediate environment in which it was being measured when observed from a (relatively) slower or faster environment. [And he somehow came to this realization when considering difficulties in establishing simultaneity - as provoked initially by his imagined tram trip from that clock in Berne's town square - and subsequently (on further reflection) by thought experiments concerning such as lightening strikes as described below) Poincare's article touching on simultaneity may also have been an influence. The same implications on the measured magnitude of Space (distance/length) must have followed soon after; That is, they must both be relative (in the relevant frames of reference) and so vary in value within the new transformation equations by which means these (velocity-relevant) outcomes are verified/confirmed such that the laws concerned fulfil thereby the dictates of the principle of relativity. But by what mechanism could he account for thses seeming findings ?] We may contrast Einstein's rationale in concluding that these two factors must adjust (vary) when one (necessarily) holds to the demands of the constancy of the speed of light (or indeed simply accepts that this is always the case), with Lorentz's rationale that by starting with an acceptance that time and distance vary when bodies move through the assumed ether (as he and Fitzgerald both postulated) and that it is those factors which account for a kind of forced constancy of the speed of light which masks the actual variability of same that Michelson was apparently expecting otherwise (and that of certain other expected electromagnetic effects).]

123.       The ultimate acceptance of the validity of that (?theoretical) conclusion regarding the compatibility required, and of the recognition of the relativity of Space and Time on which this was based, (as part of the dictates of the newly perceived principle of relativity), would depend ultimately upon the eventual verification of any predictions such a theory may present. That is, they don't necessarily have to be shown to be logically deduced at the outset although such a prima facia rational would no doubt help in the serious consideration of their likelihood and later testing. Apparently, Einstein's paper did not provoke any immediate interest and was only gradually appreciated - by about 1908 or so. Its predictions were of course fully verified but only later. But his purpose in establishing the relativity of time and space would appear to have been equally important as a means of explaining the reasons why many previous findings ('the difficulties') were so awkward to account for. It would seem to follow that if he could 'prove' that time and space do indeed vary then he could equally assert that the two principles are valid and compatible. But what is egg and what is chicken here?

124.       He continued his demonstration (ie theoretical proof) of the relativity of Space and Time (which his theory says must be the case given the existence, validity and actual compatibility of the two postulates described thus:

'Let there be a stationary Rod of length l which lies along the x axis of a stationary system of coordinates (the rod's length measured by a ruler that is also stationary in the same system). This may be called the 'length of the stationary Rod' (ie in the stationary system). Let the Rod then move with velocity v along the x axis of the stationary system in the direction of increasing values of x and then have its length re-measured by two methods: (a) by the ruler held by an observer also traveling with the rod. This may be called 'the length of the moving Rod in the stationary system'; And (b) by the use of two stationary synchronised clocks. In this latter method, the observer ascertains at what spatial points (on axis x) in the stationary system the two ends of the (?moving) Rod are located at a definite time. The distance (space) between them, as measured by the ruler, is a length which may be designated as 'the length of the (moving) Rod in the stationary system'. According to the Principle of Relativity, the length of the stationary Rod (l) should equal the length as measured by method (A) when moving in that stationary system.

125.     Einstein then asks 'how do these (equal) lengths compare with the length of the moving Rod as ascertained in (b) by the stationary clocks? Does the latter still equal l ? [Note: for some reason he adds that in method (b) 'we shall determine the length on the basis of our two (now compatible/unified) principles (or does this qualification apply to both methods?).] He replies that 'current (ie Newtonian) kinematics tacitly assumes that the lengths as determined by operations A and B should be precisely equal'. In other words, he adds, a moving rigid body at the time (epoch) t may in geometric respects be perfectly represented by the same body at rest in a definite position. But, on the basis of applying both laws/principles (which we have accepted/defined as being valid), we will find (ie to be explained later seemingly) that these two lengths will in fact not be (?measured/perceived as being) equal. One must note that at this point, Einstein is again simply asserting that this will be so found. He doesn't yet proceed to show this to occur in a practical demonstration or how it must be the case by virtue of some logical argument. It has yet to be proven to us - in theory or practice.]

126.      Thus, he continues, we place clocks at the 2 ends of the moving Rod (at A and B) which have been synchronised with clocks of the stationary system (as observed by stationary observers) and so show the true time of the stationary system. But we have moving observers also - observing those two synchronised clocks located at the ends of the moving Rod. We then let a ray of light leave from end A of the moving Rod at time A (as noted in the stationary system) and travel to end B where it is reflected at time B to return to end A, at time A'. All this is as described before except that now the points A and B (the same distance apart) are Moving. Einstein continues: 'Taking into consideration the Constancy of light's velocity (oten ignored in the past), we 'will' find that:

where rAB denotes the length of the moving Rod measured as in the stationary system. That is, (tB - tA) will be greater than (tA' - tB) whereas, if light was assumed to vary according to the speed of its source (being truly additive and subtractive), these two times should (I believe) have been the same - as found in the earlier example. Observers moving with the moving Rod would thus report that the two clocks were not synchronous, while observers in the stationary system would report that they were! The conclusion is thus that we cannot attach any absolute significance to the concept of simultaneity (as Newton would assume) in that two events when viewed from a system of coordinates (ie from a given environment) appear to be simultaneous, appear not to be so when observed from a system which is in motion relative to the one where they do so appear. Time would thus seem to be dependent upon the motion of one's viewing platform and so not be invariably constant whatever may be such motion as always thought to be previously. But is the time as perceived from either platform more correct or valid than from the other? Apparently not. Both are equally valid. Both systems appear to be stationary to those in them (if closed off from other environments and the motion is uniform). And what about Space? [Note: I should relate these ideas to the brief mention above re the symmetry of the relativity of motion - as per the Berne tram example.] Has Einstein thus 'asserted' (earlier) that two apparently equal lengths are not so and (here) that two apparently equal time intervals are also not so? If so, he would presumably next prove, explain or clarify such assertions. [And the conclusions above may well be the outcome of the lag explanation even if this is not referred to here directly.]

127.      In Section 3, he does appear to address these latter issues, amongst others, and is entitled:

3. 'Theory of the Transformation of Coordinates (of Space) and of Time) from a Stationary System to another System in Uniform Motion of Translation Relative to the Former.'.

     In deriving these required* transformations, he again asks us to imagine two systems of coordinates situated along the same x axis - namely, a stationary one (K) and one that will move along that same axis (k or K'). We may again conveniently imagine these as the stationary railway bed and tracks and the moveable train, respectively. Each system is provided with an identical measuring rule and a number of identical clocks. System (k) is then placed into uniform motion along and parallel with the x axis of the stationary system, as are its rule and clocks and any observers. At any definite time (t) of the stationary system (K), there will thus correspond a definite and parallel position of the axes of the moving system (k). [* Required, and fundamental, as they provide the 'test' by which the validity of the relevant (generalised) principle of relativity can be established and confirmed as the means by which the 'difficulties' (re the problem about light's constant speed) previously confronting this aspect of physics can finally be resolved and overcome.]

128.       [Note that 'Translation' appears to be a precise technical term in the present context implying that everything concerned moves together (at a different speed?) in one direction to a new position along just one axis (here X) without rotating.] That he describes this section in terms of a 'theory' seems to imply that, again, he's going to set out his thinking as though his conclusions follow inevitably from his premises but without, at this point, being able to completely justify or verify them with actual evidence; it is still a theory following from given if reasonable premises. From the time of Galileo (ca 1600) upto that of Lorentz (ca 1900), it was accepted that one could describe the distance, time and speed pertaining to the motion of any object in its own immediate environment from the point of view either of that environment or, by the use of appropriate and quite simple transformation equations, from that of any uniformly moving environment outside the former one. Thus a ball thrown down the corridor of a train moving at 100 mph would appear to move at, say, 30 mph within the train itself but actually travel at 100+30 = 130 mph - as seen by those observing from the station outside - through which the train runs.

129. Such a simple addition of velocities is one such transformation equation. Others could be derived to show the difference in distances travelled as viewed from each perspective, etc. Normally, however, no discernible differences in the times taken for the different views of the throw would be expected; the greater distance travelled by the ball as seen from the station would be accounted for in regard to the shorter time taken by its extra speed. If the ball was thrown in the opposite direction, the equation would entail a subtraction - of 100-30 = 70 mph as the apparent resultant speed. If what was 'thrown' was a rather 'magic' ball (or a small bundle of 'slow' light beams) which, miraculously, always travelled at just 30 mph (ie its speed being a constant), the transformation equation would have to show that its speed as viewed from both within the train and from the station somehow always remained at just 30 mph. Clearly, some aspect of the transformation equation would have to be different to allow for this unexpected 'reality' of there now being no additive or subtractive factors in the calculations. The same would apply to any comparisons made in respect of the (other) two components of a body's velocity - distance and time. But should that 'adjustment' not have to have (already) applied also to the motions of all other bodies - necessitating some re-calculations to discover the actual but over-looked results of the additions described above?

130.      The above example (which we may call 'A') could be described equally from the point of view of the throwing 'event' occurring instead on the stationary platform and now being observed and measured from the moving train. In this case ('B'), the platform could appear (to those on the train) to be travelling effectively in the opposite direction to the train and, for the analogous situation, the ball would be thrown in the opposite direction. But the same transformation equations would equally apply. Also, 'the event' need not necessarily be conceived as the motion of an object over time and space, but as occurring at a single 'point' (as simply turning over in the thrower's hand, say) in one or other environment; the equations would simply calculate that the ball was travelling at 0 mph in respect of its surrounding carriage but still at 100 mph (the train's velocity) in relation to observers in the station - in example 'A' - and vice versa in 'B'. The transformation equations would be to that extent simpler - whether for some specified distance travelled (by the train alone), the velocity of same or the time it so travelled. It may be pointed out that throughout the development of his theory, Einstein doesn't always make it clear just what 'the event' of concern is or what is the body if any that is moving, and to where. Is it a material point or a rod or anything or...? And does time refer to a moment in time (?now; ?then) or the duration of some 'time-requiring' motion - of a body moving from a to b? And finally, is the observer at the side or behind the distant event ? If at some angle at the side one could presumably apply the appropriate trigonometry and still utilize the correct transformations re times, distances and velocities concerned.

131.      In this next demonstration, Einstein sets out to derive just such transformation equations (and in doing so, as dictated by his two principles, will presumably find that the values of the time and distance elements involved will no longer remain absolute and constant (as formerly assumed) but will now have to be relative to/dependent on - the differing speeds of the two systems - and display thereby their theorized variability. [Note that this outcome is as expected by virtue of the logical consequences of accepting his two premises/postulates, including the outcome when holding fast to the unchanging value of c; presumably, this somehow equates to the effect of the inevitable lag in receipt of the information about the times and distances involved in the motion of the body of concern - as measured from (eg) the slower moving reference system. The equations applied would presumably incorporate exactly those quantitative effects - being (the same?) function of the ratio of v to c - which can vary between v/c = 0/c = 0 to v/c = 1 (ie where v = c); v can never exceed c, by definition.] Seemingly also, this derivation provides the same variable values for time and space as Lorentz had calculated to account for Michelson's result (for the Earth's motion of 30k per second through an assumed still ether). Did that result, we may ask, provide Einstein with any clues about the way to calculate/derive the correctly premised equations that validly apply in his own interpretation ? 132.      We may recall here that in 1887, Voight had derived very similar transformation equations when working on a different problem in mechanics. His were: x' = x - vt; y' = y/(1/sq rt 1-v2/c2); z' = z/(1/sq rt 1-v2/c2 and t' = t - vx/c2. If the right side of these are multiplied by v, they apparently prove the equivalent of the 'new' transformations of Lorentz, and of Einstein - which may explain why (apparently) Voight's transformations implied something concerning the relativity of simultaneity and thus the dilation of time. In 1908, Minkowski said that the latter's transformations were indeed 1st 'examined' by Voight; Lorentz (1909) soon responded that had he known of Voight's earlier transformations, he could have taken them into his own electrodynamic theory directly rather than having to derive his own. I'm not aware of whether Einstein knew of this early version of the transformations (published where?) but they are surprisingly similar to his own - as derived for his theory of special relativity (and to Lorentz's - derived for an explanation of Michelson's ether-assumed experiment and hence for his own electrodynamic and electron theory arising thereby). Lorentz was later in correspondence with Voight (ca 1910-12?) when they apparently discussed Michelson's 1887 experiments.

[The material in the paragraph beginning 'We now imagine space to be measured....etc' should be covered from about here. Also, I want to be certain that I have covered the implications of his next paragraph (starting 'To any system of values x,y,z,t ...and ...'our task is now to find...! I believe the material in paragraphs below (133 and on) were as per my earlier version and may now have to be replaced by the above - which should then continue from 'We now imagine...,etc (unless I should re-think para 112 in terms now of K and k (ie K') etc) ? In any case, it is the following form of reasoning which we may wish to compare with that of Tao in order to better understand (ultimately) the full derivation of E = m.c². 133.      As mentioned above, Einstein begins with two systems of coordinates (reference systems) in stationary space (which I believe I previously termed systems M (moving) and S (stationary) (or K and k as above) whose x axes coincide (and seem to be considered as a single shared axis), while the other two, y and z of each system, are independent but parallel. Each system has identical measuring rulers and clocks associated with it. While Einstein doesn't specify which system is right or left of the other, we may take system M to be to the right of S initially (as observed before the reader). (If it was otherwise, the kinematics and arithmetic may simply entail more subtractions than additions but the final results would presumably be mathematically identical.) System M is thus seen as moving to the right - away from the stationary system S. One might observe them, instead, from behind.

134.       He then states that: 'for any event that occurs in S - at a point position (called here x(s), y(s), z(s) at time t(s) as measured therein by its own rulers and clocks - which conveniently could be at its origin where all 4 coordinates would = 0), there will 'belong' a comparable set of values which pertain to the same event but as perceived from system M (to which Einstein gives rather obscure Greek symbols; for our purposes, they may be called position x(m), y(m), z(m) and time T(m) (or just T - for 'Tau' or time in the moving system). [Note: We could equally assume that 'the event' occurs in M (as in our 'a' example of the moving train above) and the position of same considered similarly in terms of coordinates of M for which a comparable set of coordinates 'belong' in system S (eg 'the station'). However, his derivation is based on an arrangement that equates more to our example 'b' so we shall utilise that one.] He then says 'we wish to discover the system of equations which 'connect' these two sets of values. He thus uses the terms 'belong' and 'connect' without too much explanation as to meanings - in regard to the relationships and significance implied.

135.      We thus assume that both terms indicate that we are seeking the set of coordinate values in one system by or in terms of which an event in the other system may be validly described, predicted and measured, one being a particular function of the other. That is, as in the examples above, transformation equations are to be derived which allow one to describe the elements of motion from either point of view (S or M) - and, crucially, which are compatible with or follow from the two stated (mutually-compatible) principles, and so confirm that compatibility. It is a way of saying (and showing) that the motion of the moving system has no net effect on the outcome of any law of motion operating on any body therein when viewed from a differently moving (eg relatively stationary) system (or vice versa) whatever the difference in their velocities; that is, that the proper, generalised principle of relativity is thus shown/confirmed to validly apply as it should - whatever the velocities, body and law concerned. The motion (velocity) of the body's background reference system (as system M) has no effect on its law or outcome since only the appropriate proportion of its speed (depending on its law) is added and subtracted from the total (combined) velocity). The net remainder will thus be the same as was found in the stationary system. Knowing the latter should therefore allow one to calcualte the same (unchanged) net value in the other (moving) one if the appropriate equations are applied - since these effectively incorporate the necessary adjusted values for time and space (ie velocity) from that perspective.

136.       To maintain some contact with our concrete examples, we may thus imagine the two systems M and S to be comparable to the moving train and the station, respectively, as described in example 'b' above. We may imagine in addition that the events of concern occur at the same height on the vertical axis (y) - say at eye level - and at the same depth on the horizontal axis (z) in the two systems - the z axis extending into the background away from the station and railway line (ie perpendicular to them), the events occurring at a point mid-way between the rails, say. The other horizontal axis (x) could be an embankment running parallel with and just beyond the tracks. In system M, the value of x(m) on its part of the x axis would be at its origin initially (ie = 0) and the position of a reflecting mirror (introduced below) some constant distance beyond that. In terms of system S, these values of x(m) and that of the mirror (x(m)+ ?) (in system M) will move from the origin of S at the rate of vt. While the two sets of coordinate values would appear to be directly measurable with appropriate measuring devices as eg in the case of the ball, so that the relevant transformation equation would, as always assumed in the past, be based on our usual values of distance, time and thus speed (v), the consideration of a 'body' (as light) - which travels at a constant speed (c) as measured from both systems (ie is observed so to do from either system) will require a modification of those values in the new and more valid (generalised) transformation equations now to be derived. And that constant speed will have consequences for the perceived speeds (v) of any slower and (potentially-)variably moving bodies and/or of the origins (and entire systems) of moving frames of reference as well.

137.      Einstein begins his analysis by saying that the equations to be found (by which distance, time and thus velocity will be correctly transformed) will be linear (as time and space are deemed to be homogeneous). But then (for no reason that is immediately apparent) he begins the actual derivation of the new transformation equations by defining a value on the x axis called x' which is equal to x(s) - vt. Now we have noted that the x axis can apply equally to either system; that is, it is common to both - extending in a sense from system S into and through system M as the latter moves increasingly further to the right along it. The value of v pertains to system M while that of the position x(s) and t(s)) pertain to system S. The value of the newly introduced term x' is thus a function of values in both systems. He described earlier an event as occurring at a point in system S - ie at x(s), y(s), and z(s). As it uses the x axis symbol of system S (ie x(s), and not the rather obscure one suggested by Einstein for system M (which we call here x(m)), the derived value x' would itself thus appear to represent essentially a positional value on the x axis in the former system (S). Initially (when t(s) = 0), this position would be nearer the origin of S (than whatever value x(s) itself represented) - unless x(s) was taken as being at its origin (ie x(s)= 0) in which case x'(s) would become increasingly negative as t(s) increased - and system M consequently moved to the right at velocity v. If the origins of systems S and M initially coincided so that x(s) = x(m) when both t(s) and t(m) would then = x'(s) = x(s) - vt. As M moved to the right at vt, so the value of x(s) in terms of system M's coordinates would continue to = x(s) - vt = x'(s). Thus, the value of x(m) that represents in M an event at x(s) in S would equal x(s) - vt; that is, would equal x'(s). The position of the original value of x(s) in terms of M's coordinates would also be increasingly to the left of system M's origin - ie would have negative values. [The foregong provides some ideas about the derived value x'(s) which Einstein defined as above (as = x(s) - vt). But what its real meaning or relevance may be in regard to the derivation of the transformation equations, I am as yet unaware. One would hope that it would reflect the quantities inherent in the inevitable lag in receipt of the information regarding the time and distance (length) of the motion of the event (of some body or point) of concern.]

[Note: See how Tao treats these present aspects in his steps 1 and 2.]

138.       In any case, he then points out that any point at rest in system M - as, for example, its origin (ie 'at rest' relative to that moving system but actually 'moving' with it) would also have a set of positional values describable in terms of a set of coordinates of system S - ie as x(s), y(s) and z(s), say. While y(s) and z(s) would remain constant in value as M moves to the right, x(s) of this set would have to increase in value continuously at the rate of vt in order to represent the point in S where the point 'at rest in moving M' is located. But all components of the set of x'(s), y(s) and z(s), on the other hand, would remain constant and fixed in terms of system S, irrespective of passing time t(s); ie they would be independent of time - since x'(s) = x(s) - vt and so always exactly balance the distance that the origin of M moves to the right. Thus, whatever is the value of t(s) as system M moves increasingly to the right over time, the position of x'(s), y(s), z(s) would remain stationary within S. Of course, initially, when t = 0, x'(s) will = x(s) and the situation would not be differentiated from that which would be described for x(s), y(s) and z(s) (with t = 0). At that moment, the event in S could be described in terms of the coordinates of its own system S by either (ie both) of the foregoing sets, ie equally - as they would coincide. But over subsequent times of t(s), these two sets would increasingly differ.

139.    One may then ask: 'What, respectively, do they each represent' - especially in regard to the set of coordinates of system M (that 'belong' to one or other of those two of S - ie where 'the event' occurred) that we wish to determine? We should point out that the 'point at rest in system M' which Einstein says we can describe in terms of its position in S, is apparently not where 'the event' he mentioned earlier occurs (at least as far as one understands). However, as far as calculating the equivalent points (ie that mutually 'belong' to each other) in the two systems is concerned and the transformation equations of relevance thereto, it is probably not necessary to describe an actual event. The respective 'points' alone seem to represent the 'events' (which are either stationary or move in their respective systems). As such, it may be the case that 'the point at rest in system M' - as discussed by Einstein above - may be considered in that light. In any case, any conclusions reached regarding an event in system S (as represented in system M) would be identical to those reached in the converse situation. They're symmetrical. Thus, the station could appear to be moving to those on the train (and their own environment the stationary one) given sufficient blinds, one peep hole and a super smooth, quiet train, etc.

140.       [We must also presume that Einstein's purpose could not be achieved by calculating his equations in terms of x(s), y(s), z(s) and t(s) alone but that the role of the value x'(s) (kept 'stationary) is somehow necessary. The former set of coordinates may seem the more straight forward and understandable. By 'forcing' these measures to accord with the two principles, one could imagine (having previously 'read around' the subject) deriving a set of equations in which some factor or function incorporated the demands of the constancy of light's speed (c) in ratio with that of the moving system such that a variation and relativity of time and distance would have to emerge in order that the restricted velocity of the moving system accords with the requirements of the new principle re c. However, for whatever reason, Einstein proceeds along his seemingly necessary if more complex path - ie by utilising this stationary/constant position on axis X - ie x'(s) - rather than the ever-increasing x(s) - at least in respect of the (non-event?) point in M that he has just described; (although to what end?). Possibly this derivation provides the quantities involved in the 'lag' aspects mentioned above as much or more than those pertaining more directly to the conclusions based just on the logic of applying/holding to the two postulates per se ?]

141.      In any case, he then defines the time (T - as 'Tau' in Greek)) in system M (also called T(m) here) in terms (ie as a function) of the latter 3 coordinates of system S - ie x'(s), y(s) and z(s) - but now including that of time t(s) in that system as well. That is, the time T(m) in M will be a function of the time t(s) in S - somehow calculated in terms of x'(s), y(s) and z(s. Clearly this is a different position to the point x(s), y(s), z(s) and t(s). As the clocks are synchronised in the stationary system in which both x and x' exist, one wonders how the time t(s) in S (of which T is to be shown as a function) could be affected by this one way or the other and thus how it would affect time T in system M. One will shortly be introduced to the inclusion of a reflective mirror (see below) some constant distance from a light source at the origin of system M. The position on x of both the light source at M's origin and that of the mirror at some value of x(m) (in terms of system S) - would continually increase as M moves at velocity v over time t(s), whereas that of x'(s) would, I believe, remain stationary. We apparently must interpret all these positions and movements in terms of Einstein's initial description of an event occurring in system S - at x(s), y(s), z(s) - for which we seek to find the set of coordinates in system M that 'belong' to or 'connect' with same. That is, in terms of our train-station example ('B'), the 'event' at a point in the station occurs at this known position and time and we wish to calculate the position and time of that event (or point?) in terms of the coordinates of the train. This may (as suggested above) entail thinking of the station as (apparently) 'moving' (in the opposite direction) relative to what appears to those on the (otherwise moving) train as their own 'stationary' system. In either case, any point on the x axis of system S would be described as a point on that same axis with respect to system M as one that was increasingly left of that system over time - at the rate of vt.

142.       The values of T (as To, T1, T2; see below) in its own moving system M would be as shown on its own moving synchronised clocks. But we wish to calculate their values as seen from system S which we were earlier led to believe would differ from t(s) of system S (or as measured as T within system M itself). [But our original example of those on the station observing the thrown ball on the moving train calculated its speed at 100 mph plus 30 mph = 130 mph. That is, 'the event' was in system M and we calculated its speed in terms of system S's parameters. Einstein focuses on the other direction - describing 'the event' as occuring at a point in system S and thus (one assumes) calculating its equivalent from the point of view of (ie as seen from) system M. But he now says we wish to calculate one of the parameters (time) 'as seen from system S' (as the Station)?! Possibly this light signalling element in his derivation does not represent the moving body event per se (for which transformation equations and relative values of time and space are required or are entailed), but some necessary adjunct needed to calculate (derive) these?]

143.      He thus continues: 'Let a ray of light be emitted from the (moving) origin of M at the time To (in M) and have it travel to (stationary) x'(s) along the x axis (presumably in system M) where it is reflected (at time T1) back towards the origin of M (travelling towards it) - where it arrives at time T2. The time at T1 (the middle point on its journey) is then shown by Einstein to be one half of the total time for the return trip. ie:

[Note: the distance from M's moving origin to x'(s) of system S (and effectively stationary re system M) and from it back to that origin (moving towards it) would thus differ. The distance from the origin of system S to x'(s) (and back) would however remain constant, I believe (as x' = vt) - but how that may or may not prove relevant, I'm uncertain. But the 'moving toward' element accounts for the difference in time (or simultaneity) measured/observed/recorded and this equates to our 'lag' concerns !]

144.       Despite the remarks made above, transformation calculations should still apply if the moving body concerned was such as a small 'packet' of light albeit moving at a very great speed - or at least would normally in the past have been expected to be the same - by anyone who assumed that the speed of light was not a constant (as the speed of everything else in the universe was similarly taken not to be). One could thus follow Einstein's reasoning and mathematics in which he focuses initially not on the speed of the projectile concerned (ie light) nor on the distance travelled, but on the times taken - as in the equation above re To, T1 and T2. But, by ignoring the constancy of the speed of light, such that the values of c+v and/or c-v would retain their full arithmetic values throughout, the value of T (in system M) would prove to be the same as that of t of system S - as seen from either system. If transformation equations were calculated on this basis, any factor or function applied to the values of time and distance (ie typically called Beta) would presumably equal 1 and thus have no effect. This can be contrasted with the case where the Constancy of light's speed is properly assumed. In this case, it appears that Einstein proceeds on the prior understanding that time in a moving system (as seen from a stationary one) is not equal to that in the stationary system. That is, he isn't going to discover this by doing the calculations; he somehow already 'knows' or suspects this. He also 'knows' that c is indeed a constant so that slower and shorter values of time and distance in M, respectively (as measured from S), will have to allow for this and be expected.

145.     That is, where in the false example it was assumed (wrongly) that a real value of c+v would apply and influence the outcome accordingly, in the proper calculation (or experiment) this sum (c+v), as well as (c-v) where applicable, must somehow always equal c - no more and no less - so that the values of v can only be some proportion (from 100% down to 0%) of their originals according to the proportion thay are of the velocity limit of c. For the principle of relativity to continue to hold universally true, time and distance in system M as viewed from system S have to adjust to accommodate that actual inviolable constancy of light's speed (where only 0% of the moving system's velocity can be added to or subtracted from it). Whatever the complexities of his mathematics in showing the derivation of his equations, the 'bottom line' is that the 'sums' entailing any addition (or subtraction) of the velocity of either frame of reference vis a vis the other one to that of the velocity of light must in a sense be neutralised by virtue of an 'adjustment' in the relevant values of perceivable time and space which constiture that velocity. This perceptual adjustment is required by the principle of relativity so that observers in either environment would be unable to differentiate their own state of motion by any difference in that particular law of nature (concerning the constancy of the velocity of light), as they would be so unable by any difference in any other (mechanical) law of nature affecting motion.

146.       Thus he continues by saying that this ('half-way') time at T1 can also - "by inserting 'the 'arguments' of the function T' and 'applying the principle of the Constancy of the velocity of light' in the stationary system", be expressed (necessarily in terms now of both time and spatial coordinates (at time = 0 or ?) as:

[That is, the purely 'temporal' statement regarding time in M alone (with its origin's spatial coordinates understood) is converted thereby into one in which both temporal and spatial aspects of system S and the velocity (v) of system M and that of light (c), are now also incorporated. He is thus analysing Time in system M in terms of all relevant measurements involved in the motion of some body (ie here light) from both systems (one also 'in (relative) motion') - thus implying the basis of the transformation equations needed to calculate time T in terms of time t - of which the former is (partly) a function - ie because of the 'demands' of the constancy of light's speed. [Note: One would like to know how to verbalise the above equation. That is, would it be such as: " Time in system M (of an event occurring at a point x(s)=x'(s), y(s)=0, z(s)=0 and at time = t(s)+x'(s)/c-v) equals one half of the sum of the Time at...etc)" - with the coordinates so described being of the relevant system(s).]

[Again, check Tao's version (still in steps 1/2.) at about this stage.]

147.      Presumably, he could equally have analysed Space (distance) in system M in terms of similar measurements from both systems and so calculate distance (from origin to x', say) in that moving system in terms of the relevant Distance in system S - it again (or also) varying due to those same 'demands' and the velocity measures to which this applies affected accordingly (with time). In any case, this 'resolution' of his equation would appear to be very fundamental in the overall derivation of his theory. By the phrase 'the arguments of the function T' he appears to mean that he will be calculating time T in system M as a function of - time t in system S - and do so by 'inserting' into his simple equation for times (T1, etc) alone those necessary other parameters of the motion (of a body) - ie distance (origin to x' and back?) and velocity - of system M (ie v) and of the body concerned - light (c). These are seen to have been incorporated within the 4th (time) coordinates of both T1 and T2 - as t+(x'/c-v) and t+[(x'/c-v)+(x'/c+v)], respectively. That is, these represent the extent to which the perception of time (t) (alone?) is altered in system M (as viewed from S) to give its values as T. [Is Distance so perceived not also altered thus? Seemingly 'yes' - as the eventual transformation equations will of course apply equally to that parameter (along the x axis) as well.]

148.       Had he sought the function by which Distance in M varied relative to that in S there should be equivalent parameters so incorporated, one imagines. In either case, one would be seeking to discover/calculate just what function T is of t and such other parameters (and/or what function Distance in M (as seen from S) is of some equivalent distance parameter in S and its other relevant parameters. That is, how much - in terms of t, v, c, and distance on x do the values of system M's time (T), space or velocity (as seen from S) have to be altered to 'allow for' the other element mentioned above by Einstein to be considered in expressing any such initial equation (re T1 or some Distance equivalent) in the more comprehensive form needed - viz: the Constancy of light's speed (c)? ('Needed' - to derive the transformation equations.) By seeking the answer to 'how much' - one is in effect seeking to calculate some constant (eg B (beta) by which time t and Distance are appropriately dilated, shortened, or whatever - ie to 'allow for' the constancy of light's speed at any given velocity of a moving system. When something is a function of something else, then, unless that function = 1 presumably, there would be more than one factor of which it is a function. Thus, if something (x) is a function of y (ie which equates to, say, .75 of y (vs 1)), then it must be .25 a function of something else (say z, or z and q or whatever). Thus, while T may well be a function of t, it is also partly determined by (is a function of) such as the velocity of system M, the Distances involved, and probably of c as well(?) - ie parameters that comprise that function beta. [Note: As suggested already, one could proceed as above but without imposing the constraint of that 'other element' to be considered - when expressing the equation in its more comprehensive form. This would imply that the magnitude of M's velocity would be added to that of the velocity of the body (ie light) whose motion is being so assessed. How would that affect the values of the 4th coordinates (ie of time) used in the more comprehensive equation - and its derivatives? The differences with those used above may help define just what those latter entail. This is touched on further below.]

149.       Einstein then continues his derivation of this crucial function (beta) (which we may recall is essentially the answer to his initial question 'what is the relationship (and associated equation) between x and t in S and the equivalents (x' and t') in M so that by knowing one set, we can calculate the others) by means of a calculus step - thus: 'If x'(s) be chosen infinitesimally small (does this mean the distance origin to x'(s) approaches zero or ?), the foregoing equation can (he notes) then be expressed as:

[Which must say approximately the same thing - but as applied at the level of a ?point or whatever is implied via the apparent efficiency of calculus. [Sadly, I don't follow this particular step. But it seems possible that his earlier example of deriving the equation W = v+w/1+v.w/c.c is relevant to these more detailed steps.] He continues by 'explaining that: 'As light is always propagated (as an expanding sphere proceeding from the origin of M) along all three axes equally - at the velocity (when viewed from system S) of the square root of (c2 - v2) (ie = c - v, with negatives removed?). [But does it not always travel at a constant c ?] In any case, we will then find that dT/dy and dT/dz both equal 0 - whereas dT/dx' would have a value which is less than 0 by an amount (v/c2-v2)(dT/dt). Referring back to the important assumption that T is a linear function, it then follows (says Einstein) that:

That is, the time T in the Moving system is some unknown function (a) of the time t in the Stationary system - less a (normally tiny) fraction of the speed of light; that is, time T in the Moving system is (typically) very slightly less (ie 'slower' or 'more dilated') than it is seen to be by those in the Stationary system - at least if we take the (previously unknown) function (a) to = 1 which in fact it is later shown conveniently to be. ('Typically' in the sense that at 'normal' velocities, the relevant fraction and thus the difference would be exceedingly small; but if and where v was very large (ie fast), the time T in the system perceived as Moving that fast (by those in the Stationary system) would apparently appear even more dilated (ie slowed) as compared to their own time t. In the above equation, it is assumed also that at the origin of system M, T = 0 when t = 0. This rather important latter feature is described by Einstein in the phrase "...and where for brevity it is assumed that..." ie that the foregoing values of t and T are as thus given.

150.      [As we know, measurements pertaining to the elements of motion (ie distance per time equals velocity) must be made with respect to a defined frame of reference, and do so in regard to both elements - space and time. They can't be made in relation to a vacuum - for either. Thus, if there is no point in space that is fixed and absolutely at rest, then there is no point in time that is absolute 'zero' either - only relative space and time are available; all reference points (of both) are thus 'moving' and an appropriate/relevant comparative/reference set must be specified. [One wonders if the basis for the reference point specified for time in Einstein's explanation/derivation of relativity may be partially concealed in his use of the term 'briefly' - and the subsequent comment about time in system M at its origin being assumed to be equal to zero - ie 'when t = 0' - ie without further explanation.] Thus, at the origin of M, x(m), y(m), z(m) and T are all valued at zero (ie 0,0,0,0) as are x, y, z, and t in S - as these will apply to his important equation T1 = To + T2. [We may recall that Einstein did say that he struggled for years ...'until suddenly, it came to me...that 'Time' was the key...'. Was the contents of this 'eureka' moment concealed at all within this term 'briefly', or was this but one aspect of a more extensive insight and quite irrelevant to these matters?]

151.       It is, in any case, with the foregoing equation - ie:

that it becomes possible to calculate the system of values in system M (equivalent to x, y, z, t of system S) and called here x(m), y(m), z(m) and T(m) (or just T) in terms of which an event* occurring at x, y, z - at time t - in system S, can be determined. [Note that one could equally derive the coordinate values in system M from those in S. To use Einstein's term - the two sets of values (in S and M) 'belong' to each other.) and so do so by means of the transformation equation thus derived. Such equations incorporate/express the fact that light is (also) propagated at its constant value c in system M (ie just as it is in S) - this being the requirement demanded by the two principles of concern. It can gain nothing in speed from the relative extra speed of its source in M. We thus find that, for a ray of light emitted at the time T = 0 in the direction of increasing values of x(m) (in system M) that:

152.       A system of transformation equations, so derived, are utilised when one wishes to measures any aspect of the motion of a body (or of light) occuring in, say, a moving system for which there are already local measurements available but are also wanted from the point of view of another, slower or seemingly 'stationary' system (or vice versa). The available measurements are to be referred instead to the latter reference frame such that the speed of light is (as mentioned above) not shown to benefit in its speed whatsoever by virtue of the attempted additional speed of its moving source (ie in the moving system) and that of anything else (any body or particle) only by some proportion of that system's speed - this added proportion decreasing as the velocity of that system (as seen from a stationary system) increases until, at the speed of light, it (the body concerned) would benefit not at all and so would travel at the same speed as it would in system S. The speed of that frame and anything else moving with(in) it will be proportionally influenced (by virtue of the variations now in the perceived magnitudes of time and space as determinbed by the inevitable time lags in receiving the relevant informnation about them) such that the principle of relativity would continue to hold true. [This, I know, has been analysed elsewhere.]

153.       Thus, by using the appropriate transformation equations (which recognise that the speed of light is the same in both systems - gaining no speed advantage from the Moving system - yet according with the principle of relativity), it becomes possible to describe the elements of motion for any event that may occur in one system as perceived from (ie referred to) a differently moving system - and do so in a way that allows the two principles of concern to prove mutually compatible. The velocities concerned must adjust according to the v to c ratio and not accept the values of v alone. The crucial 'function' by which the normal (Newtonian or Galilean) transformation equations are revised thus turns out to be based on a ratio between the relative velocity (v) (of either system to the other) and the velocity of light (c). This was derived previously by Lorentz (for his electrodynamic studies) but on a different basis with suspect premises. Einstein derived them independently - in terms of valid premises. [The simple equation of W = v+w/1 +(v.w/c.c) seems to me to sum it up more succinctly! We may again check Tao's step 1. (near its end) about here and compare.] [* Note: An 'event' would normally entail the motion of a body through space, over time, although one can imagine an event occurring at a 'point' (or particle) if it simply 'turned over' (on its own spot, as it were) or just suddenly 'appeared' or 'exploded' at some point. As such, an event could happen at a given point (x, y, z or wherever) and so avoid having to complicate its transformation by considering a body's motion - from a to b, over time and space etc. But an emmision of light rays, at least, does represent the motion from a to b or whatever of a kind of body and the moving point of an origin may represent another - as applies in the present analysis seemingly.]

154.       We continue by considering the equation which gives us the value of x(m) in the Moving system M - ie x(m) = ac(t - v/c2 - v2 times x'). [Note: as elsewhere, the symbol for squaring is provided by the number 2 (not superscripted) throughout.] The ray of light moves, relative to its origin in sytem M (ie at the latter's origin), with a velocity of c - v - when measured in the stationary system S. [Again this seeming inconsistency in light's otherwise Constant speed! Is he saying that 'the ray moves' - ie 'the velocity of light (c) is...' = (c - v)?? How can this be? Can 4 ever = 4 - 2 ?] However, he continues by showing (on what basis?) that the time t in system S may be shown as:

[I hope to see just what this equation, however derived, means and how it is the case.] If then we insert this value of t (the time in system S) into the equation for x(m), we obtain

In an analogous manner we can find that for rays moving along the other two axes:

Thus

By substituting 0 for x' (its value when t = y/sq rt (c2 - v2) [why?], we obtain a qualified set of the transformation equations we are seeking - ie:

(in each case qualified by (being multiplied by) an unknown function of v, as calculated later). In addition, an additive constant would apparently be required on the right side of each equation - if no assumptions are made as to the initial position of system M and as to the zero point of T in that system. Thus, we have calculated the crucial value of the function as sought. [It is interesting to consider how the foregoing mathematical derivation would proceed if one assumed throughout that the speed of light (c) was additive with the velocity of system M (as was always assumed in the past) such that the eventual value of beta would equal 1 and thus that time T (as seen from S) would be found always to equal that in S itself (ie t) and that relevant distance values would also remain the same as viewed fron either system. By this means, it should be possible to see exactly where the effects of the proper value of c on the derivation ultimately occur and thus 'how it all works'!]

155.      It is now necessary, says Einstein, to prove that any ray of light as measured in system M is only propagated at velocity c (as often indicated above) if this is its speed in system S. This would provide the proof that the two principles are indeed compatible - as has been asserted (and would require that time and space necessarily adapt accordingly - from absolutes to 'relatives', although this is not the immediate focus of this proof). Thus - at the time t = T = 0, when the origin of the coordinates of the two systems coincide, let a spherical wave of light be emitted therefrom and be propagated with velocity c in stationary system S. When a point (x, y, z) is just attained by this wave, then:

Transforming this equation with the aid of our recently derived equations of transformation, we attain after a simple calculation:

The wave (ie the light) under consideration is therefore no less a spherical wave (of light) with a velocity equal to c when viewed in or from either system. This shows that the two principles are indeed compatible. That is, by applying the adjustments in the values of time and space inherent in the transformation equations, it is possible to reveal the constancy of light's speed as observed from a stationary environment regardless of it travelling within and sourced from an even faster moving environment. The two principles are compatible because of those suggested 'adjustments' which, we must emphasise, have already (at least in theory) always been thus. Their validity as such, in turn, can only be established by the empirical realisation of relevant predictions in which such adjusted values have been confirmed. [See parag 133 below where another spherical form is considered similarly but this time as a rigid body, not a wave of light.]

156.      The transformation equations derived above included the unknown function of velocity. This function turns out to equal unity and hence the final form of the equations is as shown above in blue. It apparently relates to the fact that the direction (sign) of the velocity of the moving system does not affect the dimensions of any Rod thereof set parallel to the y or z axes (ie perpendicular to x - in which direction is the movement concerned). But the kinematics of this proof is even more complex that that of the foregoing and we shall accept it in terms of its conclusions per se.

[We insert here (as part of section 3) some further comments regarding the foregoing transformation equations and how their derivation seems to have fitted into the order of Einstein's thinking ca 1903-05. We may refer to Tao's sequence of the derivation of same also.] 157.      If Einstein began by seeking a way to incorporate the motion of all bodies within (meet the demands of) one, more general principle of relativity, he would realise (as just described above) that he had to find (derive) those transformation equations which would allow the speed of light as released on a moving system (frame, vehicle, train) but perceived/recorded/ measured from a more stationary one, to not indicate an apparent reduction in its speed after applying the traditional transformations. For they would remove the full speed of the moving system from the actual final speed of the light as measured from the stationary system (a speed which necessarily must be that at which light always travels - ie at c (only) - so giving an invalid/faulty result (ie too slow by that full amount of the speed of the moving system). For light, therefore, the principle would not have been confirmed thereby and the transformtion equations applied would appear to be invalid for that purpose. If he wished to confirm the validity of the general principle of relativity, he would have to derive an equation which would only remove 'an appropriate amount of the velocity of the moving system' - ie that amount over and above the speed expected for the body concerned (according to that body's relevant law of motion). In the case of light, this would of course equal None whatsoever (ie 0 mph extra) since light only travels as per its law at its constant speed - this being also the maximum possible speed (c). This would apply exactly the same for any other body which (conceivably) might be able to travel that fast, for any additional speed is not possible.

158.      If, however, such a body travelled at, say, one tenth of this maximum possible speed, then the transformation equation would, again, have to remove an amount (proportion) of the total speed (of the body plus the moving system) which, as required by the principle of relativity, would show the body concerned to have a net velocity equal to that which its particular law required (for a given force and mass). Thus, effectively, the proportion removed would be from the attempted 'boost' in velocity provided by the moving system and not from the body concerned per se (or would it be from the total speed measured ?) In the case of light (and in this latter case as well), these amounts of the moving systems' speeds that must be removed are proportionally reduced not directly because of a realisation that nothing can exceed the speed of light (or rather the speed at which light (happens to) travel) as that itself is not so much an explanation as an assertion, but more directly (in the sense that it seeks to account for this result) because the information regarding the velocity of the body concerned (whether light or any other), added to that of the moving system, (?usually) entails a 'time lag' (and a comparable distance effect) which together underlay such velocity perceptions - as the body concerned and its moving system moves, for example, away from the observer or measuring device. The faster it moves away, the greater the temporal delay (and associated spatial distortion) when perceiving the relevant information regarding its velocity - ie the distance per time comprising that velocity on which any judgement concerning that body's motion in one reference system from another moving, say, more slowly is inevitably based.

159.     When an event (a moving body) takes place on a distant reference system (M) moving away from a system (S) from which the event is to be measured (ie with respect to its velocity (distance per time), the (1) Time taken for the body to move - eg from a to b therein - as noted by those on system S - but by means of a clock in system M near the event - will appear Slowed - to an extent that depends on the distance the clock is from the observer on S and on the velocity (v) by which the two systems are moving apart. Thus, at say distance x' = ...... and v = 1000 mph, the time taken may appear to be say 10.3 minutes rather than 10 minutes exactly, as may be expected if it took place instead very near to where the observer and clock are on S. That longer (slower) time is accounted for by a delay in the time it takes for the information from the clock's time on M to reach the observer on S, while the (2) Distance travelled by the body between a and b as measured by a local measuring rod there will appear Shorter to the observer on S to an extent that depends on the same two variables - the distance (x) and the velocity (v) concerned. In the present example, the distance may appear to be say 4 miles rather than the 4.2 miles it would be (say) if measured near the observer on S. This shorter distance is apparently also accounted for by the fact that the light signal information has a longer distance to travel to the observer. In this case,...(to be completed; note: this explanation would presumably follow a similar logic to that described below (parag 133) in regard to the shortening of the spherical wave).

160.      In the case of a slower moving body boosted by a fast-moving system, the perceived velocity of that body so boosted would include a considerable proportion (say 99.x%) of the moving system's nominal velocity added to it, while for a very fast moving body such as light released on a moving system, the recorded measurement of its velocity so 'boosted' would have very little or indeed no (0) % of the moving system's nominal velocity (v) added to it. Thus, in the former case, if a body other than light was forced into motion on a moving vehicle travelling at, say, 1000 mph and its speed as measured from a stationary system was 1500 mph, the application of the traditional transformation equation would subtract 1000 mph from that body's total (1500 mph) speed and so leave a result of 500 mph as the net speed of the body concerned (say a fired bullet) within the vehicle. One might reasonably conclude that the transformation applied was a valid one (if that speed was indeed as expected for the bullet) and thereby verify the associated principle of relativity for such a moving body (ie that the speed of the moving vehicle had no effect on the law governing the expected net speed of that body subjected to a given force).

161.    However, as suggested above, it appears that this total speed (of 1500 mph) would in fact not be what was found; rather, it would be something like, say, 1498 or '99 mph and therefore a subtraction of 1000 mph would not result in the expected (and correct) value of 500 mph for the bullet but (as in the case of the light particle) a value that was too low. And so, again, a new, more appropriate transformation would be required - one that, as it turns out, subtracts only a particular proportion of the velocity of the moving vehicle (and thus of the combined bullet plus vehicle speed). This may be, say, 99.3 % of the latter figure (rather than 100 %), so that the total is reduced not to an invalid value of less than the expected net speed of the bullet (500 mph) but, by subtracting only 999 mph (say), the actual total would be reduced to that correct latter value exactly. The proportion subtracted by means of the new transformations is determined on the basis of Einstein's theory and is a particular function* of the proportion that the body's speed (v) is of the maximum possible speed (c) (as this apparently correlates precisely with the effect of the inevitable delay in the receipt of the information regarding the velocity of the body as viewed from the stationary system. In the case of light its velocity (v) being = to (c), only 0 % of the moving vehicle's speed would be available to add to that of the light and hence this amount only should be subtracted (via the appropriate transformation equation) from the recorded velocity of light. [* The correct function is as derived by Einstein and already shown above.]

162.     The information (in the form of light signals) regarding (?both time and distance measures for) the slower moving body would travel (back) to the perceiver/measuring device concerning a velocity composed partly of that due to the body itself moving within the moving system (depending on the force propelling it therein) and partly of that due to (say 98% of) the velocity of that moving system, while the information (again in the form of light signals) regarding (the same measures for) the very fast moving light particle would travel (back) to the perceiver/measuring device concerning the maximum possible speed for any body - leaving no scope (0 %) for any added speed due to the velocity of its moving source (whatever its nominal speed). For the laws underlying these bodies' velocities to be verified as not being influenced by any such added speeds of the moving systems concerned (that is, for the principle of relativity, which demands this, to be verified), the same transformation equation should apply validly in all such cases [see Einstein's derivation of his new equations] such that the proportion of the respective moving systems' velocities that are (eg) subtracted (in the cases specified here, namely 98% and 0%) should confirm those bodies' net velocities to be exactly as required by the principle of relativity for their respective, if quite contrasting, laws. [We must note that all velocities discussed here are of course composed of distance per time measures and hence attention is drawn to the variations in these particular variables that, in turn, account for the variations in velocity noted. We may enquire whether Einstein decided to examine what we mean by time and space in such measures after noting such velocity concerns or whether this followed some other precursor (such as....). See parag 111 above also.]

163.     Section 4 - Physical Meaning of the Equations Obtained in Respect of Moving Rigid Bodies and Moving Clocks

[Hopefully, this Section will show that the necessarily delayed perceptions involved, being symmetrical, somehow turn out in the end to be (?effectively) real, physical changes in time and space...or...will they still be 'just' perceptual, dependent on the stance of the perceiver/viewer/measurer and the (?inevitable) lag involved in transmitting information between reference systems moving at different velocities ? Thus, what happened to the previously used terms such as 'appears', 'as viewed', 'envisaged', judges', 'would report', 'would be seen as', etc, etc ? Certainly, the equivalence of the perceptions as noted from the 'other' system (be it viewed as the moving or the stationary one, or vice versa (they being of symmetric significance), argues strongly for the 'effective reality' of the associated perceptions; they can't both be 'just appearances' but rather the only available 'realities' - at least from those respective and equally precedented points of view/perceptual stances, etc. Its just that one can't (yet) see how this apparent reality is logically 'forged' out of the examples given nor indeed how it translates into the objective realities that the theory, so based, clearly successfully predicts when it is (?was) based so much on acceptance of such qualifications as 'appears', is viewed as', 'will report', etc, etc. Presumably, in those later verification studies, the findings which thus prove to be confirmatory must themselves also be necessarily 'as viewed', 'seen', 'reported', 'measured', etc because the same restrictions would apply as in the examples utilised to develop the theory. But, do the reports of such studies include such qualifications ? [For example, does the clock at the Equator really tick slower than one at the poles or does it just appear to do so - even if necessarily so ?]

164.    Moreover, it appears to be the case that in his 1905 paper, Einstein focuses on the inevitable outcomes of applying his two postulates (as in sections 2 and 3 above) as though that logic alone accounts for and justifies same without any mention of the actual 'lag mechanism' by which this apparently occurs. Why not ?? One might also ask here (for now) whether there may be any basis for explaining the necessary variations in time and space (that must be the case if one wishes to accept that the constancy of thr speed of light must accord with the principle of relativity) not by the so called 'lag phenomenon' desctibed above but instead by the fact that if the speed c is a limit due to an infinite increase in any body's mass with such velocity, would there not be a proportional increase in such mass for slower moving bodies so that for a body of given size subject to a given force, any increase in its velocity attempted by a faster moving reference system would have to cope with a slightly greater mass ? If so, would that not account equally for any reduction in the combined velocity, and do so by means of a more recognized physical mechanism ? Or...?]

165.      This present section (4) may thus be relevant to this query in that Einstein addresses here the matter of the ?apparent physical effects on the Space (length) of rigid moving bodies and on Time (rate of ticking of rigid moving clocks) during that movement (as measured by such moving clocks) - in both cases as observed/recorded/measured from a slower-moving or relatively 'non-moving' ('stationary') perspective. Such effects would, presumably, be the manifestation of the relativity of these components of motion as concluded via the arguments presented in the first 3 sections discussed above. The body to be thus examined for this purpose is a rigid sphere of radius R (ie 'seen' as a sphere 'when examined' at rest) which is now moving with system M (and thus at rest relative to it) with their common velocity = v (relative to system S), with its centre coinciding with the origin of system M. In terms of the coordinates - x(m), y(m), and z(m) (of the 3 axes of system M) - with time there (T) not mentioned), the equation of the (physical) surface of the sphere (its shape?) is then given as:

In terms of the coordinates of system S - ie x, y, z - when time t in that system = 0 - that equation becomes:

A rigid body with the form of a sphere when measured in a state of rest (eg by those moving with it in system M), has when viewed/measured in a state of motion (by those in a stationary system), the latter form - of an ellipsoid (of revolution) with the (?apparent) magnitudes of its 3 spatial (length; width; height) dimensions X, Y and Z becoming:

166.      Thus, whereas the spatial dimensions Y and Z of the sphere (or of any rigid body of whatever shape) do not appear to be modified by the motion, the X dimension does 'appear shortened' (ie 'has' the form of an ellisoid) - in the ratio of 1 : sq rt(1 - v2/c2). The greater the value of v, therefore, the greater the (?apparent) shortening. [Note: these appear to be unaccounted 'assertions' only, at this point.] So, when v increases to the value of c, all moving objects, as viewed from a 'stationary' system, would (on the same unexplained logic) thus be seen to have shrunk (with respect to the dimension of its motion) to zero and would (?be seen to) become a two dimensional plane. The speed of light at c is taken to be an infinite limit of speed for anything so that v can never (?equal or) be greater than c. Being symmetric, the same (?apparent) results would hold for bodies at rest in the 'stationary' system when viewed from a uniformly Moving one of whatever velocity. With the effects on time also applying (see below), the combined effects would presumably translate into a slower velocity of the now ellipsoidal sphere. But would this slower, differently appearing sphere be due to the perceptual lag effects on time (and a comparable effect of the length dimension) or to such as the increase in mass of the sphere ? [But, it may well be the case that any increase in a body's mass (as the velocity of its moving reference system increases) not benefitting by the total amount of that increase (for a given force) would not apply in the case of a sphere (if of ?little weight) - where interest is focused on its shape mainly ??. Note here that the question as to how perceiving the body on M from S is affected by the time lag (ie the 'comparable effect' of motion on Space referred to above and elsewhere) is seemingly answered above; that is, in the phrase "..would thus be seen to have shrunk...", etc. One must study this further with respect to the associated 'physical' implications of both the shape and velocity of such a body.]

{Note: Is Tao's step 1. (or even 2.) relevant here ?]

167.       With respect to the (?physical) effect of motion on Time, we may imagine one of the clocks qualified to mark the time t when at rest in system S, and the time T when at rest relative to system M, to be located at the origin of system M and adjusted to mark the time T there. When that moving clock is viewed from system S, what rate of time passage does it display ? Einstein continues: 'Between the quantities x, t, and T, which refer to the position of the clock (?), 'it is evident that': **

Therefore,     T = t sq rt(1 - v2/c2) = t - (1 - sq rt(1 - v2/c2))t from which it follows that the time T marked by the clock (as viewed from the stationary system) is (?seen to be) slowed by 1 - sq rt(1 - v2/c2) seconds per second - ie by 1/2 v2/c2 (where, he points out, magnitudes of fourth and higher order are neglected). The greater the value of v, the greater would be the (?apparent) slowing (dilation) of time - as well (as shown above) the greater the degree of (?apparent) shortening of bodies seen as so moving. A shorter body (or is it a shorter distance of its movement?) moving at a slower time would result in an effect on its velocity - namely.......?.... [Note: Has Einstein's Kinematics provided sufficient 'practical physics and geometry in his analysis or is it weighted mainly in terms of the mathenmtics of such kinematics? That is, do we know or is it relevant from what direction and angle the observer and/or measuring instruments are facing the events of concern ? Are they parallel to them, perpendicular or...what?? In any case, it must follow that such a body as described if timed by a clock as described would be seen to be slowed by virtue of these effects on its moving reference system (M) - or is this not relevant in these examples ?]

[** This wording is a paraphrase of Einstein's (who actually says 'we have, evidently, x = vt...' which, in English, could suggest 'apparently' which is not, I believe, what he intends here; rather, it likely signifies that the outcome is quite evident from the precursors). Thus, the equality is evident in that...while system S is stationary, the position of x, y, z therein is Not (necessarily) - at least with respect to its 'equivalence/connection/belonging to' the position in M of an event which occurs in M - itself moving at velocity v along the X axis (for a distance x?) . Thus, the position on that axis in S of the event in M is represented by x (of system S) = vt. The event thus has two sets of positional values: (i) within M - as x(m), y(m), z(m) - (at time T) and (ii) within S (as x, y, z and t. Hence, calculations entailing the extent of motion in terms of position x, can be substituted in the equations with vt.]

168.     [A short time after Einstein's 1905 paper was published, his former physics professor at Zurich (Minkowski) (ca 1908?) suggested that the 3 dimensions of space and the one of time (in the paper's equations) could be conceived as a single 4-dimensional concept of 'space-time'; as they always occur together and are interdependent. It occurred to me that this concept (and those of its component 'parts') is/are definable in terms of motion only. They have been so conceived (by man) in order to help us understand our universe and what 'happens' (ie 'when bodies move/events happen') in it. One could thus imagine time to be simply: 'that which allows two or more events to occur at exactly the same place in space, and space to be that which allows two or more events to occur at exactly the same time'. In each case, such motional events, which manifestly do or can occur (as far as we can perceive), would be impossible without the construction of such concepts (as differing velocities of such motion also require?) - or now, apparently, without that single, mutually-interdependent concept of a dimension of space-time, each element being necessarily defined in terms of the other (?tautologically).

169.      In this description, any event/happening must entail motion of a body. Two succeeding events will typically be separated by various other events (sometimes a few and sometimes many) and these provide us with a sense of time passing - which it continues to do throughout our successive lifetimes. Without motion/events, there would seem to be no need for time although a totally 'frozen' universe (or part of same; black hole?) devoid of any motion of anything would presumably always require space in which/where such bodies exist (occupy space) - except possibly at the instant of the big crunch or moments before the big bang - if all matter disappeared into (almost) infinite energy such that no space or time (or space-time) existed (or was needed)?? But then, even an instant implies time and does energy (that final single 'superstring' as we proceed back to the big bang) not occupy at least a miniscule 'dot' of space? Otherwise...oblivion? Or, just 'God'? Why and how is there any energy, matter or force in existence?? Without them, nothing would be...and...would it really matter ? To whom ? The 'non-existence' (of anything) would of course never be known about! It almost seems as if that would be the most expected, most probable status...of...nothing..and for eternity....... (which of course could be a very long 'time'..or a very short 'time'. But...'what 'time'' ?]

170.     To return: The foregoing effect of velocity on (?perceived) Time leads, says Einstein, to a 'peculiar consequence' [or, does he mean 'a peculiar apparent consequence' ?]: Time (?apparently) runs more slowly in (non-pendulum) clocks at the Equator than at the Poles! He explains this by showing that such a clock (A) synchronised with another of identical type (B) at the start of a journey which travels some distance, either in a straight or curved line at uniform velocity v, will no longer be synchronous with the stationary one but will lag behind it (as shown earlier) by an amount = 1/2 v2/c2 times t (ie the amount of time it so travels). If clock B is at a (relatively stationary) Pole and A on the Equator, after 24 hours the latter (having travelled about 24,000 miles will thus be (not appear apparently) very slightly slower than that of B, which has remained relatively stationary (albeit both are travelling much faster through space with the Earth around the Sun also). At the speed of light, does Time (appear to) stand still therefore - and be of infinite duration? If so, nothing could happen/transpire presumably. And at absolute stillness, would Time (appear to be) infinitely fast - allowing 'everything' to happen - instantly and simultaneously? Who knows? In any case, does the clock run more slowly at the Equator because of the lag in receipt of the hand position information and if so, by whom or what observer ?

171.      Section 5. On the Composition of Velocities

Einstein shows here the impossibility of combining velocities to sum to more than the velocity of light (at c). The relevant proofs that two velocities cannot sum to more than c entail further algebraic manipulations of the variables of velocity (ie distance and time) - in terms of the restrictions on same inherent in his new transformation equations. We may accept that adding together ratios of (shortened) distance to (increased) time (ie in eg high velocities) may well prove to be less than previously believed - when it was not appreciated that such variables were not apparently so altered. [We may note here that the (incorrect) Galilean transformations may be derived from the Lorentzian ones, but only by allowing the speed of light (c) to become infinitely fast which is not possible; if it were, one could have instantaneous information from a distance and thus unvarying measures of time and space - as Newton assumed.] We assume that the proportional effects of v/c affect only the moving system itself and not the body moving within it - so leaving the body's net velocity unchanged as required by the principle of relativity. [Note: Tao's steps 2 to 5 aren't relevant until nearer the end of this entire section on Einstein (ie at about patagraphs .. to ....]

Additional Analyses and Review of Part I on Kinematics. [This descussion is intended to further our understanding of Part I; it is based primarily on....'further considerations'.]

172.      As we've noted, Einstein refers in his 1905 paper on the electrodynamics of moving bodies to "...the difficulties which this subject was then encountering...". He then addressed those difficulties (which, inconveniently, he doesn't directly identify) by a careful analysis of the motion of all bodies in nature, over time and space, but now treated as parts of a single category of such motion. This analysis, referred to in physics as 'kinematics', thus focuses on the means of measuring the distances covered and the times taken (ie their velocities) by all bodies in motion and does so in terms of the necessary frames (bodies) of reference (or system of coordinates) and associated rulers and clocks required for such an analysis. Einstein felt that 'insufficient consideration (analysis) of the relationships amongst these core elements of kinematics lay at the root of the difficulties alluded to'. His analysis of these relationships would thus seek thereby to resolve those difficulties, and its associated exposition in his paper would effectively comprise his 'theory of special relativity' (if not then named as such by him); it was, rather, effectively considered as a 'theory of the electrodynamics of moving bodies'.

173.       He begins by noting examples in the scientific literature which strongly suggest that the motion of all such bodies (whether in the former categories of mechanics or electrodynamics) can only be measured in relation to some other agreed 'body' (system) - of reference (itself inevitably also moving relatively) since there is no evidence for any reference body that is unmoving (ie still or 'at rest') in any absolute sense - against which the consequent absolute motion of anything might be conveniently assessed. Thus, only relative motion is measurable - with some such reference body always implied (if not always apparent). The examples quoted - one from mechanics and one from electrodynamics (there are doubtless others) suggested to Einstein that 'the same laws and equations of motion that pertain to and are valid for bodies traditionally considered within the sphere of mechanics will also prove valid for those bodies that pertain to electrodynamics (as light) and do so validly in both cases for all frames of reference' (ie whatever their different but uniform velocities may be). That is, they can be treated as part of one consistent sphere of nature (moving bodies) all of which accord with this newly conjectured and more general 'principle of relativity' (as he has so named it) - which he refers to as the 1st postulate of his theory. [We may point out here that while this principle was first formulated by Galileo and later incorporated by Newton within his Principia, they hadn't so named it and that it had been largely overlooked, if taken for granted, during all of the 19th century until Poincare mentioned it once of twice, with that terminolgy, around 1900-1902. It had, however, always referred to the motion of classical mechanics, not electrodynamics.]

174.       For this principle to hold true over a single conception of moving bodies, including electrodynamics, it must therefore (as now defined) accommodate the laws of all moving bodies within the same one equation or relationship - including therefore that regarding the constancy of the speed of light (taken here to be effectively a series of discrete 'bodies' - whether as particles or as discrete 'packets' (quanta) of light waves. While this is implicit therefore within his 1st postulate, he must have realised that the restriction implicit within the constancy element of this particular law of motion (or velocity), in contrast to all other such laws concerning moving bodies, would provide a greater challenge to the former's requirements and acceptance since with those more typical laws (of mechanics), extensive potential variability of speed was always inherent (according to the speed of any reference system which was their source) whereas with light, its law denied this very potential flexibility of speed - as perceived on a variably moving frames of reference from a differently moving one. He therefore specifies or points out this particular law as a separate 2nd postulate (a kind if sub-postulate) which must somehow also 'hold' just as all the others do, despite its less typical nature. Its inclusion as a separate basic postulate of his theory is also justified by the fact that it concerns the very source of 'the difficulties' referred to since it alone didn't accord (wasn't compatible) with the existing or traditional principle of relativity with its tacitly assumed absolute values of time and space and its associated transformation equations (as the laws of mechanics appeared to be consistent with) even if this limitation wasn't appreciated by most physicists at that time. By holding to the value of c in whatever circumstances, his theory would adjust the velocity factors underlying that latter principle (as his 1st postulate) so that this seeming incompatibility with the 2nd postulate would be resolved.

175.      Those laws of mechanics (which allowed the motion of the bodies concerned to vary according not only to the strength of the forces applied to them - relative to their associated reference system - but to be further boosted or retarded (fully, not just proportionally) according to the exact extra or reduced speed provided by that local body of reference on/in which they were so impelled - when the body concerned and that moving reference system were perceived and measured from some other 'neutral' position (reference system) moving at a different speed - were those laws to which the principle of relativity (as formerly understood) appeared always to apply validly. This stated that such laws performed on their bodies exactly the same, with the same outcomes, no matter at what relative speed their local frames of reference may themselves move. Any such boost in a body's apparent speed (due otherwise only to some force acting on it within/relative to its own refernce system ) could be accounted form exactly, it was always assumed, by applying the appropriate transformation equation (as a subtraction of any such extra speed) to thus reveal the actual net speed of that body relative to its own reference system to be due only to the force applied to it within that system - as the relevant law of its motion would expect/require.

176.      Such relevant tranformation equations should serve the fundamental function of manifesting the operation (and confirming the validity) of the application of the traditional principle of relativity. This principle (as formerly understood) essentially reflected the fact that any such extra speed (provided it was uniform) did not affect the validity of the underlying law of motion (due effectively to the operation of the inertial influences so applying). In the case of light however, its underlying law required that any extra speed attempted (as measured from the neutral system concerned) would not be successful in adding (or subtracting) any such speed to or from the total net speed measured (since its law required that this was as fast as anything could move) nor, therefore, for any to be appropriately subtracted or added (say) from it subsequently by an existing transformation equation - to determine the actual (true) net speed of the light which any such 'booster' may have so attempted to alter. What was required was a different principle of relativity which, as would transpire, would recognise that its time and space measures should never have been assumed ro be absolute (but still requiring the law concerned to be unaffected by any attempted boosts or reductions in the speeds of the relevant frames of reference), one whose validity would be confirmed by a new transformation equation which could prove consistent with the single full range of moving bodies (from those whose speeds could be increased (or decreased) almost without limit - to those, as light, whose speeds could not be altered at all. A rather tall order.

177.     The added speed of virtually unlimited extent (in the sphere of mechanics) had always been adequately 'handled' (that is, accounted for to leave just the net effects of the forces and masses concerned) by the application of the former transformation equations of Galileo and Newton which were an integral part of the operation/application of the original principle of relativity (and the apparent validity of which their successful application had appeared always to have confirmed; such confirmation being their essential raison d'etre). They would remove the extra speed provided by any such booster frame and reveal the true net speed of the body concerned (as far as could be measured) that its particular law required (after the application of a given force) whatever the speed of such a 'booster' (and therby confirm the validity of the traditional principle of relativity). Such traditional equations would however not validly handle or prove consistent with regard to the motion of any body (such as light) which did not show this unlimited variation (eg increase) in its speed when viewed from slowed system, nor indeed any variation in same, due to differently moving reference frames, as its source. Additions or subtractions of these attempted speed boosts or retardations would simply alter the calculated answer of the properly unalterable (net) velocity of light. Light's speed was, as the 2nd postulate accepted, independent of the state of motion of its emmitting (or 'carrying') body (source). It wouldn't be boosted or reduced by any such increase or decrease in its reference body's speed and so applying the old transformations to its final speed would wrongly subtract an imagined amount of extra or lesser speed from that unchangeable 'total' - leaving as the net speed of the light concerned either a slower or faster, but invalid, value and thus prove inconsistent with a fully generalised principle of relativity which requires the law concerned to hold true.

178.      A principle of relativity was thus required that would be verified by means of a new transformation equation which could 'handle' or incorporate both varying and non-varying velocities of bodies and their reference systems and remove all or much (ie a proportion) of the extra speed provided by the reference systems for variably-moving bodies but none of any such attempted increases (say) for such as light - since they were (it was) already at the upper limit of speed for any body. It would thus be the proportion of that upper speed limit (c) at which any body was moving that would determine how much of any attempted increase (say) could be manifested in the total speed measured (and later subtracted to leave that actual net speed proportionally restricted). Einstein was convinced that his new principle of relativity, incorporating the restrictions required by the law of light's fixed speed, should prove valid for all frames of reference whatever the differing speeds of the frame on which any body is placed into whatever degree of motion and that from which it may be measured (recalling that no motion can be meaningfully assessed without an agreed frame (or 'body') of reference). By holding fast the factor in the transformation equation which had to remain constant (ie light's speed), he was able to see how the other factors inherent in the total/combined velocity of the reference frames and bodies concerned (viz: time and space) would in theory have to be affected. And he saw that they would have to become variable, effectively according to the speed still available. They would have to adjust or become 'malleanble' according to the speeds concerned to provide an equation that could 'handle' all types of moving bodies; that is, those which can vary in their speeds (at least up to some limit) and those that can't (go either quicker or slower). By 'handle' is here meant could provide a transformation equation that when applied would confirm the requirements of a generalised principle of relativity for all laws of motion - for all bodies perceived from elswhere.

[Note: Had either or both mechanics and electrodynamics required a concept of absolute rest as the only ultimate reference frame, then his new principle of relativity would not be the case. Instead, assertions concerning their operation would be based on a principle and theory of 'absolutivity' where different laws would have to apply with respect to the motions and frames of reference of mechanics and electrodynamics. And the value of c would have a potential to be be infinitely fast or instantaneous.]

179.       The central problem thus focused not only on the derivation of the correct equations (as by 'holding fast' to the restriction inherent in the role of light's speed) that would reflect the actual relationships that must somehow pertain to the motion of all bodies (including light) over time and space - whatever may be the reference bodies to which that motion is referred - but on a logical explanation of how and why the resulting alterations in the time and space elements of this new equation (which appeared to be the case) actually came about. What was the 'mechanism' by which the limitation of velocity (that of light) placed on the relationships that Einstein was seeking to clarify apparently came to 'cause' time and space to vary as so required (by that 'forced' equation/relationship) ? To determine the elements of this relationship and derive the associated equations that validly apply when differently moving frames of reference are so involved, Einstein appreciated that one had to gain a new perspective on just what was involved when perceiving and measuring any body's motion (and thus the speed/time and space implied) in relation to the relevant frames of reference - whatever the extent of variation possible for the body concerned - whether maximal or minimal (including, for light, nil) - depending on what proportion of the available speed possible (c) was being attempted. The greater that proportion, the less would be the amount of any extra speed sought that could be added (boosted). [The physical (?perceptual) basis ('mechanism') for this increasing restriction needs to be made obvious. I would assume that the equations derived by Einstein must incorporate and take account of the effect of such a mechanism on any delay, for example, in the receipt of the information (by any observer or recording system regarding the time and distance measures involved when a body's motion is measured at a distance (especially a varying, remote distance).]

180.      To do this, he realised that one must first gain a better understanding of just what is meant by the time and the space (distance) over which any body so moves - firstly as assumed in classical mechanics and then as must be the case, as he eventually saw it, under a generalised principle of relativity. By this means, he seems to have believed that he would gain that understanding of the ultimate 'cause' of the resultant (and previously unsuspected) variations in time and space that appeard to be the case if the constant velocity of light must be 'held to'. [Thus, was the 'cause' simply perceptual; that is, did it depend only on the observer's (or the measuring apparatus's) 'viewpoint - vis a vis the location of the motion concerned ? And if it did, was there not some logical continuity between the two 'explanations' of how and why the relativity of time and space are the case ? Do they (ie as (1) follows from forcing the principle of relativity to accord with the constancy of the velocity of light and (2) as follows from an inevitable delay ('lag') in receipt of the relevant information by way of non-instantaneous light signals) not both imply the same one 'cause' ? If so, one would assume it had to do with the fact that light, as a reliable signal to convey, necessarily indirectly, information of both time and space regarding that motion was not only a constant in its speed but that constant speed was the maximum possible speed of anything, including (almost coincidentally) itself. There had to be some delay, therefore, in the receipt of that information so that there was no other means by which the reality 'out there' could ever be obtained in any other supposedly more accuate or valid form. That was the only available reality. I would assume that this would still be the case had there been no evolution of animal or plant life as well. Are observers or recording instruments crucial or not ? What about clocks and distance-measuring instruments ?]

181.       He thus first examines Time in this regard in order that its nature (as measured by clocks) may prove consistent with his main postulate and so relate validly to the other elements involved - all moving bodies measured over space - in relation to a relevant reference system of coordinates. These relationships are represented by the constituents of the transformation equations which serve to confirm the new principle of relativity for the motion of all bodies - this now being recognized as the way nature works rather as it was previously assumed to work - when various anomalies and difficulties became apparent under the limitations of the former principle and its transfomations. When focusing on how the elements of motion (time and space) may have to adjust to allow his two light-relevant postulates to prove mutually compatible, Einstein had a sudden insight or breakthrough regarding a posible 'mechanism' by which this theoretically-concluded outcome might actually transpire - at least with regard to Time. This was, as alluded to, that information about it (ie from a clock) could only be conveyed by signals and that while light was the fastest and most reliable such signal, it did entail a time 'lag' between when any event concerning moving bodies actually occurred (as the clock reading there) and when the necessarily delayed information about that clock reading/time was actually perceived/recorded (elsewhere). That is, that time only exists in terms of our indirect perception of it via signals from clocks. There is no other 'real thing' out there called time that can be measured instantaneously (as might the perception of the heat or weight of a body pressing directly on one's hands, say). It only exists as an agreed position of clock hands relative to the clock's numerals (or a digital equivalent). In a 'frozen' universe, there is no time, whether absolute or relative, as there is no motion to measure in terms of time and space. [Is there any meaningfiul space though ?] He thus begins his analysis of the crucial relationships required for revealing the new transformations mentioned above (which will underlie the new principle of relativity needed to resolve the former 'difficulties') - by examining what we mean by (and thus what 'is') Time.

182.      The time at which an event (as a moving body) occurs is typically determined by an observer (or recording instument) noting the position of the hands of a watch or clock located very near to where the event takes place - ie virtually simultaneously. The information concerning the occurrence of both is conveyed by reliable and fast light signals. To the local observer, these may be considered to be virtually simultaneous but the perception of same by a distant observer would not occur until after a time lag which depends on the distance involved (if known).

183.      To analyse the crucial relationships, Einstein next considers the motion of a material point (in lieu of a small body, say) as the event of concern, typically over a greater distance than is the case with the motion of a clock hand per se. As mentioned, such motion can only be assessed in relation to an agreed body of reference which in this case may be viewed as a (relatively) 'stationary' system of coordinates in which the initial position of the point may be accurately described (as at od near the origin, say). Its subsequent motion (along the x axis) can then be described as a function of time as noted on a local clock (itself positioned near the origin and point) - providing that motion occurs only locally (over a short distance). It is thus the local event of concern. As such, we could record the time at the start and end of the motion by means of our one local clock and therby determine the velocity of that point's motion, over that local distance. If however, we wish to determine the motion of the point over some interval located much further away, it may be necessary to evaluate (judge) the times of the start and finish of the interval at locations that are remote from the position of our one local clock and observer near the origin of the coordinates. But the simultaneity as between the occurrence of the distant events and the local clock's hand positions would no longer be the case - within acceptable differences of the time lags entailed; the reception of the information from the distant events being much more delayed than that from the local clock. They would be much too out of 'synch', as it were. Different clocks would be needed to establish the times near to such distant events measured along the axis of the stationary frame of reference (no matter how long that may be). And, if occurring on a moving frame...??

184.     Einstein suggest that one might judge the times at the distant events by coordinating the hand positions of the local clock (ie near the origin) with light signals sent back from the various distant events. But such a coordination has the disadvantage that "it is not independent of the standpoint of the local observer (ie it would be too dependent on that standpoint at the origin and as a consequence not accurate or valid.). I think this means that allowance is not made for the uncertain lags in time that receipt of such signals would entail. In any case, it may be worth recalling this phrase when we come later to conclude that time (and space) at least 'are dependent' - on something to be later described (ie are relative, or vary, accordingly). This disadvantage and inaccuracy can however be overcome, he notes, by arranging for each event to be timed by their own local clocks and to synchronise the times they display so that there would be only the one synchronous time along all of the common (still stationary) reference body. Such synchronization can be established by means of light signals such that the time for such signals to travel from one clock to another, showing a given time, is equal to that taken for the return journey showing that same time. This procedure assumes that the speed of light is a constant (c) which thus equals the distance the light travels from clock one to clock two and back again divided by the difference between the start and finish times.

185.     By this means, one is confident that any event so measured anywhere in the stationary system will be simultaneous with the stationary synchronised clock in its vicinity and thus with any given specified stationary clock anywhere in that system, including the one at the origin with its observer). As such, the timing of all such events will fulfill this definition of time in the stationary system and thus be valid therein - time always entailing this fundamental and necessary element of simultaneity, by definition. [Note: as velocity equals distance per time, any calculation of velocity would require measures of both distance (or length) and time. If it is the case that a new conception of time is accepted as necessary, the proper evaluation of velocity would normally require a new conception of distance as well. But if one already had an acceptable value for this new conception of velocity, it would be possible to produce the new conception of distance (or at least its new value) in terms of the already shown new conception of time - as it would equal velocity divided by time. But do we have this new valid measure of velocity ? - so that we can derive the new value of distance only in terms of the new value of time (as justified previously) rather than having to justify a logical basis for a new conception of distance per se ?? Answer:............]

186.       Einstein then seeks to show us that kinematics as normally applied in the past, without the influence of his two new (light-speed relevant) postulates being applied, would expect to find that the magnitudes of space (distance) and time as viewed in a stationary and a moving reference frame respectively - when viewed from a neutral position - would be no different but when analyzed instead by a more broadly-based kinematics (based now on his two 'determining' postulates) would be found to differ. That is, their perceived magnitudes would thus have to prove to be relative to (dependent on) the difference in the speeds of the relevant reference frames concerned - rather than, as tacitly assumed before, being unaffected by same (and thus absolute and unchanging in whatever circumstances). [Note: he has suddenly implied a now moving reference system, as well as the stationary one - without (yet) developing his discussion about synchronised clocks as may also have to apply to this moving system. But see now below at ***, possibly.] Thus, his analysis begins instead by re-stating his two principles or postulates in a more general but precise manner (as the basis for this 'improved' kinematics for analysing the motion of all bodies over time and space). He thus defines (1) his new principle of relativity, as follows:

187.     One of these physical systems in nature is that of light which, when it undergoes change in its motion (ie which it does whenever it is emmitted), does so according to its law which states that its subsequent speed (in a vacuum) is always a constant. The new principle thus incorporates this fact already (as reference to differently moving systems would not in its case alone be expected to manifest any such change) but Einstein felt it needed added emphasis (as its very constancy might appear to be inconsistent with the changes of state of almost all other physical systems to which the principle applies as these all show variation rather than constancy in their subsequent speeds whenever so referred - their unchanged net values as promised by the principle only being manifested after the application of the approriate transformations). He therefore states the constancy law of light as a 2nd (sub-)postulate:

He adds that (paraphrased):

188.      With this basis, his new kinematics proceeds by showing (within its terms) that the magnitude of space (length) occupied by a rigid rod and the magnitude of the passage of time shown by synchronized clocks, each in the stationary system, will each appear to differ depending on the motion or otherwise of the system on which they are measured - that is, as noted from the same neutral viewpoint. [Again, a now moving system is suddenly introduced.] These mathematical results (must) come about (in theory) when one holds fast to the mathematical implications/requirements of the two postulates - ie as a kind of theoretical prediction or demand. Any subsequent evidence that such results are actually so found in nature would thus strongly support that theoretical (postulated) basis of the associated theory. [And, these would be further supported if one had a reasonable 'mechanism' by which this otherwise only logically deduced outcome actually comes about.]

[***Is this next paragraph where this 'mechanism' (ie the inevitable 'lag' in perceiving information about time and space from a distant/moving system) is finally considered and described in a more explicit manner ? Or, if not made so explicit, is it not at least implied as operating by way of (within) the equations concerned such that the distance that the time signals must travel to convey the required information regarding the velocity (distance per time) of the body concerned is somehow fully represented therein?]:

189.      To demonstrate (theoretically) that length and time are not 'seen' to be of unvarying magnitude from wherever viewed and measured (as formerly assumed), Einstein begins by considering a stationary rod of length l as measured by a stationary measuring rod or ruler. [Note: the previous sentence differs from one in which the words 'seen to be of' and 'viewed and' do not occur.] The rod is then caused to move along the x axis of the stationary system, parallel to it. (This stationary system could be (on) the Earth - as a long straight railway line, say, on which a train could, if required, move and so represent an associated 'moving system' thereon.) Indeed, for we then imagine the rod's length to be measured as it is moved on such a moving train by two methods: (a) An observer moves with the rod and the ruler (ie on the same moving train) and measures it directly just as he would if all three were stationary (on the railway tracks, the embankment or on the stationary train carriage), and (b) The observer determines two points along the x axis of the stationary system (eg the train tracks) where the two ends of the rod (immediately above) are located during its journey - at a definite time - as shown on synchronized stationary clocks (arranged as described above) and then (subsequently) measures the distance between these now stationary points with the stationary ruler. This would provide an indirect measure of the length of the (moving) rod - in the stationary system (ie by the use of time).

190.       Now, according to the new principle of relativity, the length discovered by the direct method (a) - where all three elements concerned are moving together - that is, the length of the moving rod by the moving ruler and observer (a kind of 'sub-system' moving on the stationary system of coordinates, as the tracks) must equal the length l as determined initially by the stationary ruler measuring the stationary rod (also directly) on the stationary system (tracks). On the other hand, according to that same principle of relativity, combined with the law about light's constant speed (which in any case is implied in the 1st principle), the length as determined by indirect method (b) will not be equal to l - as determined initially on the stationary system. The former kinematics (based on the original principle of relativity and an assumption that light's speed was not necessarily constant), tacitly assumed that the lengths determine by the two methods (a) and (b) would be precisely equal (to each other and both to the length l - as determined initally by the totally stationary direct method). That is, that the moving body (measuring rod or ruler) at time t would be identical (with respect to its (?perceived) length) to that same body at rest in a definite stationary position. But by the new kinematics, the bases of that tacit assumption are questioned - as application of its new principles reveals that basis to be in error. At this point, the unexpected difference in the lengths concerned is simply a theoretical assertion, although it has been based on an analysis entailing the two principles which we are told would, as it does not incorporate the bases of that tacit assumption, produce this outcome. (Again, one's perception (or an instrument's record) of the differing lengths would seem to play a part in that difference.)

191.       Having so described/analysed (if not in detail) how the magnitude of space (length) may not be seen as previously assumed when viewed on a moving frame, Einstein then describes the similar situation with respect to the passage of time - but with a little more detail of the kinematic analysis and justification of the conclusions. He begins by imagining that at the ends (A and B) of a rod in the stationary system, clocks are placed which have been synchronized with the clocks in that system; the times they show at any instant would thus correspond with the time shown by any and all other synchronised clocks in that stationary system, including these two. There is also to be a moving observer positioned at each of the rod's ends, with the clocks. (This seems to imply that the rod and its clocks will themselves also be moving (on the moving train 'over' the stationary tracks (system) even though he hasn't specified this for either the clocks or the rod, only for the observers.) A ray of light is then emitted from the A end of the (moving) rod at the time (in the stationary system) called tA (as observed seemingly on its attached clock at A) which is directed to the B end where it is reflected at time tB (as observed at that end on its associated clock) back to A, which it reaches at time t'A (again as observed on its own clock). (Note: he hasn't specified that this light journey between A and B and return occurs in conjunction with the moving rod or the stationary rod, or both. To maintain the analogy with the arrangements described for the assessment of length above, however, we may assume that it is the moving situation that is implied.) Accepting the principle (or law) of the constancy of the speed of light (c), one would, he states, then find that:

where rAB denotes the length of the (only now specified) moving rod - as measured in the stationary system. Any non-moving observers in the stationary system would, says Einstein, declare that the clocks at positions A and B of the (apparently ?non-moving) rod were synchronous while those moving observers would find that the moving clocks attached to the presumably moving rod would not be (viewed as) synchronous. (Do the two observers in each case each observe only their own or do they also observe the other's clock times ?) He then concludes that "we cannot (ie therefore) attach any absolute significance to the concept of simultaneity (since) two events which viewed from a (?stationary) system of coordinates are simultaneous (?synchronous) can no longer be looked upon as simultaneous (?synchronous) when envisioned from a (sub-)system which is in motion relative to that (stationary) system." (What exactly are the events of concern here?)

192.      Presumably, this conclusion is consistent with the assumption that the rod observed by the stationary observers was then itself stationary. This would be consistent with Einstein's earlier description of the moving observers measuring the moving rod with their equally moving ruler - in the stationary system - where these three elements were described by him as the 'moving system' (and I called it a moving 'sub-system') - ie within or on the stationary system that he consistently and only refers to (as though he will later introduce a proper moving 'full-system'). In any case, we can assume that the conclusion regarding simultaneity can be generalized to equate to time per se (as the latter is defined as always entailing the simultaneity of the event concernd with the time shown by the position of the local and synchronised clock face hands). Generalising this further, one would assume that as with time, so the concept of length (space) too (as shown above) never represents an absolute magnitude; both concepts have only relative values - the magnitudes of which are as viewed on the moving system from the stationary system and thus entail some lag in receipt of the relevant information re time and space.

193.     We might point out here that while the analysis of the relativity of time entails the use of the italicised terms 'appears', 'indications', 'find', 'declare', 'viewed from', 'be looked upon', 'envisioned', etc, they don't for some reason appear in the earlier case of the analysis of the relativity of length. Thus, in the case of time, the phrasing isn't of the unqualified form: '...the two clocks therefore were (or were not) synchronous...' or 'that the two events therefore are or are not simultaneous...' but, rather, is qualified as: 'obsevers would 'find' or 'declare' that...the clocks were or were not simultaneous' and that events which when 'viewed from' a (particular) system of coordinates...are simultaneous, but are no longer 'looked upon' as such (rather than simply 'being so') when 'envisaged' (viewed) from a system which is in motion relative to that (first) system.' This will be further considered below. [See also 'Some Thoughts...(on Seife's article).] It seems that these terms accompany the exposition regarding time more explicitly than in the case of space (distance; length) because his thesis is premised more in terms of time than space, with explanations about the latter subordinated to a kind of analogy with that for time and tending to a less specific or detailed analysis and thus with less qualification with respect to such as 'appears', 'is viewed as', etc which, in any case, tend gradually to be dropped by Einstein (and most of those later commenting on his theory) even when considering thr time aspects as though they can be conveniently forgotten even if sometimes implied. [Thus, see p 48 of Einstein's article where the terms 'appear(s)' and 'as viewed from', etc. are again utilised, but only initially, when describing that next section. As mentioned above, they may however become implied within the equations he derived to this end. This to be further confirmed one way or the other.]

194.     But first, he continues by developing 'the theory of the transformation of spatial and temporal coordinates...' - from a stationary to a moving system - ie by deriving the relevant transformation equations which will confirm the validity of his two postulates - with both being mutually consistent and compatible when applying to the motion of all bodies in nature. [See also earlier account of this in Section 3.] The 1st postulate must apply consistently to the motion of all bodies, including light, within one all- encompassing category (as this and the assumption that time and space were always constant appears to be the source of the prior 'difficulties) and to confirm this, it is necessary to derive equations which include the unchanging value of the speed of light (c) which, in turn, 'forces' the values of time (t) and distance (as components of velocity (v) of the bodies concerned) to become malleable (changeable) or at least to make apparent the 'malleability' that had actually always characterized them, if unrealized. [Again, we must ask whether these equtions imply that the perceptions are thus actually affected by virtue of what is actually 'behind' them ?] Applying these new transformations based on the new means of determining the times and distances concerned thus shows that the motion of all bodies can indeed be so treated consistently within the one category (given acceptance of this apparently inevitable 'malleability' of time and space). Empirical evidence would apparently later show that such alterations in time and distance are indeed the case, providing the relevant measurements are made indirectly - that is, by way of light signals conveying the information about the motion concerned. (And, as it happens, such measurements can, it seems, in any case only be made by this method.) And that, therefore, some mechanism must apply that accounts for such effects - ie other than the conclusion arrived at only by way of the logical deduction which preceded this realization.

195.      The values of these measurements (by observers or instruments) will vary according to the extent of the difference in the speeds of the frames of reference involved - the one being where the body concerned is put into motion and the other that from which that motion is observed and measured; the greater the difference in their respective speeds, the greater the effects on both time and space perceptions - from 0% difference when the there is no difference in their speeds, through an intermediate 50% difference, say, when the difference is very considerable (and thus space is contacted to half its otherwise expected value and time becomes slowed/dilated to a comparable extent) to a 100% difference - when that difference is the maximum theoretically possible (at the speed of light). Thus, the 'viewpoint' of the observer (or of the 'perceiving and measuring apparatus') is crucial and unavoidable as a factor in the overall logic and reality of the electrodynamics of all moving bodies. Time and length of any moving body (event) on one reference frame can only be measured from the viewpoint of another moving at a different speed, through the intervening (indirect) auspices of time-consuming light signals needed to convey the relevant information about these two components of a body's motion/velocity. It is this latter feature of motion in nature and our perception and measurement of it which connects the two postulates - namely, that the equations which confirm the first arise by holding fast to the inclusion of c (the second postulate) therein and the explanation of why or how the malleability of time and space, as so concluded, proves actually to be the case. The validity of this conclusion is at least suggested by the fact that the perception of these varied measurements applies equally and symmetrically to those observing same from the 'other' point of view; neither have precedence and thus both perceptual stances are equally valid. The communality, compatability and connection of the two postulates are all conveniently represented by the symbol (c) !

A Further Review and Analysis of the above matters.

196.      Before 1900, the physics of moving bodies (mechanics) was, according to Einstein, encountering certain 'difficulties' (as we've noted), particularly in regard to electrodynamics - then still considered a part of mechanics. While considering such problems, he became aware of a physical principle pertinent to this general area - namely the 'principle of relativity' (as recently so named by Poincare, I believe, around 1902). The essence of this principle was in fact first described by Galileo in the early 1600s and further elaborated by Newton later that century. It pertained exactly to the matter of the motion of bodies but to a large extent had been so long accepted that it was essentially taken for granted and, until Poincare, little referred to by lorentz's or Einstein's time, I believe. In its traditional form, it stated simply that the laws of mechanics (and thus their measured outcomes) were not affected by any difference in the velocities of the body (or reference frame) in which such laws operated on bodies - from wherever their outcomes may be measured. This appeared to be the very area in which the difficulties had arisen. For certain outcomes did appear to be so affected, namely those concerned with one particular class of 'moving body' - that of the 'packets' (quanta) of electromagnetic waves (including light) - for which there was a fixed, unalterable velocity. Applying the old transformations to outcome involving the motion of light gave faulty (or at least confusing) results.

197.     At about the same time (ca 1903), Einstein also became convinced that the motion of such waves differed significantly from that of all other bodies in that their velocity (according to Einstein's analysis of Maxwell's equations and laws of electrodynamics) was a universal constant. Applying the traditional principle of relativity to the more general class of moving bodies - whose motion was, according to their laws, always variable rather than constant - he could see that its central tenet did indeed appear to prove valid when its associated transformation equations were applied to the motion of same (which application and analysis serves to prove/confirm/reveal that apparent validity). In other words, when that portion of such bodies' total speed that was due to the speed of their reference frames (as measured from some neutral viewpoint) was fully accounted for (eg by being subtracted) by applying those equations, the net speed remaining was apparently in complete accord with the laws concerned - whatever may be the difference between the (uniform) speeds of such reference frames - relative to that neutral viewpoint. Such speeds made no apparent difference to the outcomes of the laws of motion concerned - just as expected by the principle of relativity.

198.     Thus, in his book 'Relativity - The Special and General Theory' (1920) (to be analysed more thoroughly below), Einstein describes briefly in Section 6 an example of what he referred to as 'the addition of velocities' - of classical mechanics (introduced earlier in the section on the 'Composition of Velocities') . In this, he imagines a train (the Moving reference frame) travelling at a velocity v (say 100 mph) in which a man walks forward at a steady velocity w (say 10 mph) and asks 'at what TOTAL velocity (W) is the man moving relative to the embankment or station platform (the Stationary reference frame) ? While he indicates that the answer would appear to be equal to v + w = W (ie to W = 110 mph), he notes that this answer of classical mechanics will actually prove to be wrong (as later explained). In addition, he seems to feel that it may be useful (possibly to that later explanation) to give this early answer in terms of the components of velocity - distance per time - rather than in terms of the resultant velocity per se. Thus, he notes that if the man stands 'still' (ie relative to the interior of the train) on the moving train for a given time - eg one second, say, he would yet move forward, relative to the station or embankment, through a distance (in miles or feet) equal numerically to the velocity of the train (ie 100 mph/60x60). After walking at velocity w, he would traverse an additional distance w relative to both the train and to the embankment, numerically equal (at 10 mph/60x60) to that walking velocity w. He therefore covers the total (now distance) W which equals the sum of the component distances: v + w, relative to the embankment, in the one second of time being considered. And, as with the velocity equivalents of these classically derived distance and time components, Einstein will later show that they are necessarily also incorrect. These same conclusions would apply equally to the motion of any other tangible body (as a thrown ball of a fired bullet, say) within the moving train.

199.     In all such cases, the requirements of the classical principle of relativity would appear to have been fully met in that the motion/speed of the train would have no apparent effect upon the net velocity (within the train carriage) of the motions of the bodies concerned (as their laws would expect) - after the velocity of the train was subtracted from the total velocities calculated - as per the Galilean transformation. This same conclusion would follow with respect to the values of the velocity components (times and distances) concerned. It is the application of such transformations that confirm the apparent validity of the (classical) principle of relativity (that the laws are not affected by the motion of the train, or whatever may be the moving reference frame. [See also here the paragraphs below where the addition of velocities is derived similarly from the transformations - both for the classical case and (as in next paragraph) the light/relativity case.]

200.      However, when applied to the motion of light therein, these usual transformations (eg subtractions) would not yield the true and valid net result required by its rather unique law (of always manifesting an unchanged, constant value) - again as required by the principle of relativity. If it somehow had, it would of course have further verified that (traditional) principle of relativity, but this would not be the case, with those particular transformations (subtractions). Both Maxwell's laws and the findings of de Sitter are quoted by Einstein, as well as those by Lorentz, to indicate that the velocity of light is in fact not affected (eg boosted) by the velocity of the moving body emitting the light as measured from elsewhere - ie there isn't the usaul addition of velocities with it. Thus, the example given for the addition of velocities above (the man walking along the train carriage) would conflict with this conclusion about light since the (unchanged) velocity of light within the moving train carriage as measured from elsewhere would, after accounting for the velocity of the train by means of the usual transformation (subtraction), have to equal c - v, a value less than that at which the law and the principle of relativity states light's velocity must always be; that is, the same value whether measured in a stationary train or a moving one. The requirements of the principle of relativity as it stood would not be confirmed by applying the usual transformations. Either it (with its usual transformations) or the law about light was incorrect; they weren't compatible as they stood. Einstein would focus on the transformations and the implications they had concerning the components of the velocities involved in their application.

201.    Reasoning that the principle of relativity in its essence was that general and fundamental a principle of nature that it should apply validly to (accord with) the motion of all bodies, including light (the law concerning the fixed velocity of which was also well founded), Einstein decided that he must examine more carefully all elements of motion which entered into the seeming incompatibility. He examined the components of velocity as they pertained to the traditional transformation equations and noted that these (time and space) had always been tacitly assumed to never vary whatever the circumstances of the motions of the bodies concerned. Was this assumption consistent with holding fast to the two 'laws' (of light and relativity) ? He effectively asked himself 'what, in theory, would have to be the case (the form of the equations entailing the required relationship) for this requirement to be the outcome?'. He thus analyzed the equations that would arise when the net value of the speed of light was 'held to' its one constant value (after any relevant subtractions) - despite having different velocities for the relevant reference frames. For that would be as the principle required - of allowing light's law, as all laws, to always hold true to itself - in its case, in relation to either the moving or the stationary reference frame.

202.     He found that to provide this result, it was necessary to accept instead that the values for the components of the velocities of the moving bodies concerned and their reference frames - ie time and space - must themselves be the variable factors - so that the velocity of this particular body (light) could remain, as its law and the principle of relativity requires, unchanged. The values of (a body's) velocity components (as entered into the traditional transformations) had previously always been assumed to remain unchanged in all circumstances. And at the usual velocities concerned, this seems to have been approximately justified and correct. But, at much faster velocities, some doubt would arise regarding this long unquestioned assumption.

203.     This incompatability can be shown (says Einstein) to be due to the tacit assumptions on which classical mechanics and the associated Galilean transformations had previously been based; namely, that the time and space values comprising the velocity of any moving body are not dependent on the motion of the relevant bodies of reference. They were assumed to always be the same regardless. He seems to have examined this basis of the traditional transformations, and come to this conclusion, after first considering what would have to be the condition of the time and space variables in the transformations if one 'held fast' to the requirements of both the principle of relativity and the law of light's speed. That is, when the amount of the 'extra' velocity of the moving reference frame that was subtracted from the velocity of light measured in that frame (still c) necessarily left a value for light's speed (ie was'held to') that indeed remained as c. To effect this, the time and space variables in such adjusted transformations would have to prove variable (not constant and never varying as thought before) according to what proportion the velocity of the moving frame (which effectively 'sought' to provide a boost to the total velocity of the body moving within that frame) was of the maximum possible velocity of any body (including light). This meant that the boost given to any tangible body (ie other than light) would necessarily have to be some proportion less than the extra speed attemped by that moving frame. For light itself (or anything that might travel at of near that maximum possible speed), this proportion would have to be total (ie 100%) or virtually so.

204.     The conclusion regarding the addition of velocities concerning the man walking on the moving train was based on the times and distances underlying the velocities involved relative to both the train and the station. The net velocity of the man relative to the station due to the walking itself (as expected by the classical principle of relativity) was obtained by removing that part of his total velocity that was due to the velocity of the train - by applying the Galilean transformation. This net value appeared to confirm that principle's requirement - that the velocity of the train did not affect that net value; the distance he covered in a given time (ie his velocity) within the moving train (for his particular effort or applied force) was no different than what it would have been had the train not been moving. That is, the law of motion applying for the application of that force was, as required by the principle of relativity, not affected by the motion/velocity of the train when the man's net velocity (distance per time) was measured from the stationary platform - ie after subtracting the full velocity of the train by means of the traditional Galilean transformations .

205.    [As alluded to above]...Einstein points out that the conclusions concerning this addition of velocities (ie for classical mechanics) can also be deduced from the Galilean transformation itself. For this, he replaces the walking man with a point moving along a moving reference system (K') where the distance (x') covered = w.t' (that is, equals the velocity (w) times the time (t')taken on that system. He asks what values x' and t' have when expressed in terms of x and t (on the stationary system (K). This is provided by the Galilean transformation equations 1 and 4 from which 'it follows' that x = (v+w)t, where x is the equivalent of the distance walked by the man relative to the embankment or station. His motion or velocity (W) then = v+w. [Note: the phrase 'it follows' actually masks other steps in the logic of this important derivation or proof which we should later clarify.]

206.    But when the law concerned was that pertaining to the motion of a light particle measured on such a moving train, subtraction of the train's full speed would not in that case leave that law concerned unaffected - as the principle of relativity required - but would leave a value that was less than should be the case. The law and the principle were thus not compatible when the velocity values concerned were subjected to the usual Galilean transformations. In other words, the principle of relativity in its classical form was not confirmed thereby with respect to the law of light's constant speed, as it apparently was in regard to the mechanical law regarding the moving man (or any other tangible body). In this regard, Einstein asks an apparently related question: 'How might we find the place and time (?velocity) of an(y) event (the movement of any body, including light) in relation to the train when we know only these values with respect to the station such that the principle of relativity is not contradicted but indeed confirmed by the appropriate transformations - that is, where the laws of the motions of all bodies meet its requirements ?

207.     Such transformations would have to incorporate a relationship between the components of velocity (distance per time) of any and all moving bodies, including light, relative to both moving and stationary reference frames which would thereby confirm the validity of the more generaqlised principle of relativity with respect to all such moving bodies. Can we, asks Einstein, conceive of such a relationship ? That is, how to determine the unknown values of distance per time (for the velocities concerned in the moving frame) as functions of the values in the stationary frame that we do have ? What is their relationship (ie the function that one set of values are of the other). For they are some variation of those known values according to the factors which cause or require them to vary. By knowing this relationship, we would be able to determine the velocity of any body with respect to the moving frame (eg the train) if knowing only that with respect to the stationary frame (the station or embankment) that proved consistent with the generalised principle of relativity; eg that would find that the velocity of light is concluded to remain at the (unboostable) value c whether in relation to the train or the station when the 'proportional' transformations are applied (and that the velocity of all other bodies are concluded to vary only accordingly, depending on what proportion their velocities are of that maximum possible velocity of c.

208.     For an easier comparison with these present developments, we may also show the equation W = v+w (as above) as W = v+w/1 (which still = v+w). For when we consider this velocity W instead from the point of view of the generalised principle of relativity of the theory of relativity (rather than that of classical mechanics with Galilean equations), we find that expressing the equation x' = wt' of the moving frame in terms of x and t of the stationary in terms of the generalised transformations (rather than the Galilean ones), the above equation for the velocity W 'then becomes' = v+w/1+(v.w/c2). [Note: we should seek to clarify just how this equation 'then becomes' the form thus derived.] The velocity W thus becomes the product of v.w divided not by 1 (to give v.w itself) but by a value larger than 1 (and does so to the extent which the product of the two components of the total velocity of the body on the moving platform (v.w) is a proportion of the product c.c (ie c squared). [Expand on the rationale for the necessity of determining what proportion the v x w product is of this latter product in particular.] The greater is v.w, the smaller is the velocity W (with consequent variations in the values of its constituent components of distance (shorter) and time (longer)). [Or is the velocity consequent upon these constituent values' prior determination ?] So, asks Einstein, which example of the value of W better accords with our actual experience of nature ? He suggests that the experiments of Fizeau supports the latter version. (see p 39-41.)

209.    By means of these new transformations, the motion of all bodies could be dealt with thereby within 'the same one conception of the principle of relativity' - with light and its maximum and unchangeable velocity simply falling at the far extreme of the motion of all (slower) moving bodies - which would continue to display some variability (changeability) of their speeds (as their laws allow) whenever give a boost (say) by a faster moving reference frame (as the train). Subtraction of the now correct proportion of that attempted extra speed (depending on that v.w to c.c ratio) would then leave a net value that was consistent with the laws of motion of the bodies concerned, be they tangible or not (ie light and other electromagnetic wave bodies/packets).

[Note: It is at about this point that I should enquire whether the effect on the variable values of time and space that are provided in the new transformations (as based on holding to the value of c in the equations and the consequent algebraic manipulations), are equally the result of the lag in the information according to the extent of the difference in the velocity of the different reference systems concerned. Is this effect 'built into' or implied within the equations ?? And thereby account for the variations arising ? But the apparent variations in time and space that are concluded on the basis of holding fast to the value of c aren't at all explained by such a conclusion; they are on that basis simply acts of faith. How do we actually account for them 'at the coal face' of empiricism ? What else, if anything, is actually going on there ?]

210.      He had thus concluded that the traditional principle of relativity and its associated transformations must in the past have tacitly assumed (for centuries) that the values of time and space in velocity measures for all normal bodies in motion and their reference frames (ie the values so subtracted) were always the same (unvarying). This was helped by virtue of the fact that any such variations at most normal speeds (if they were indeed the case) would be so minute that they would be both unmeasurable (then) and also of little or no practical relevance in any case. If such variations were there, they would no doubt have been completely overlooked. It would take the anomalies arising when the velocities concerned were at or near that of light to sufficiently maximise and make apparent these theorized unsuspected effects on the magnitudes of time and space. But how could Einstein account for such theoretical effects actually arising in nature itself ? He focused his mind on how the values of time and space - as basic elements of the motion (velocity) of all bodies - were determined.

211.      He eventually concluded (around 1904/05) that they can only take on their possible values by indirect means of measurement - at least when the motion of the bodies concerned are being observed and measured from a viewpoint moving at a different speed to that on which they are forced into motion. That is, the information about such motion - ie as and when it actually happens - can not be instantaneously conveyed to and received by any observer/measurer at some other, often differently-moving, viewpoint. Rather, it would be received there and appreciated only after some time lag - time for the signal conveying that information to travel the distance involved - a distance which may not always be known. And if it is unknown, then the actual time at which any event may have occurred can not itself be known - only the information received about it could be treated as validly representing the event itself. [relevant about here also is the fact that all motion is relative such that the perceptions of motion on one reference frame (B) from another moving differently (A) would be exactly comparable with and equally valid as those of (A) from (B).]

212.     Einstein's 'eureka' moment (when he could finally see a way by which his foregoing conclusions could, if still in theory, actually come about) came when, in about May 1905, he imagined zooming away at the speed of light on a tram from the main square in Berne when the clock there showed 11 pm (say). At that speed, the light reflected off the clock face would indicate the position of the clock's hands as remaining at 11 o'clock. For, as the hands actually moved towards 11.01, say, the light information conveying that (and later positions) would never reach him in his speeding tram; it would continue to show him it was still 11 pm, while his own watch, travelling with him, would show it continuing to approach 11.01, 11.02, etc. In this thought experiment, Einstein would know that the clock in Berne would have continued to tell the correct time there, but this would not be the case for an observer on the tram who had not been aware of its origin, time of departure or immense speed (nor would any observer back at Berne be able to conclude anything about the time he might see on Einstein's watch other than that it continued to show 11 o'clock there in the tram). If the tram's speed was only half or less than that of light, then the slowing (actually 'stoppage') of the apparent time back at Berne wouldn't be so complete (as in the first example) but would still be slowed by some proportional extent. There would be an unavoidable time lag in receiving the information as to the time concerned. [Interestingly, this lag becomes effectively infinite when the difference in speeds between the two reference frames equals that of light.]

213.     The idea that the existence of an upper limit on the velocity of anything (ie at c) somehow provides 'restriction' or 'pressure' on the full increase in velocity attempted for slower-moving bodies when moved by their own frames of reference (thereby so limiting those increases to some proportion of that possible upper limit) must be another way of saying that by holding fast the extent of the velocity of light to its own limit (at c) when determining/analysing possible new transformation equations - where its reference frame similarly seeks to boost it - 'pressurises' or limits the values of time and space to some proportion of their usual values ? If it is, we still require the 'mechanism' by which such 'upper limit pressures' effectively 'back-up' to so effect this action. Einstein said it came about due to the above-mentioned unavoidable time lag in perceiving the information concerned - which was symmetric in regard to which reference frame was observer and which the observed. Does this really equate to 'pressure'? No! The concept of 'pressuring' used here and elsewhere is not really the case; the action is more akin to being the result of what's left or available - from a decreasing fund. At the speed of light, there is nothing left in the fund for a faster moving frame to contribute; no further 'scope' for contributing additional velocity.

214.     Thus, the true net speed of a bullet fired at 200 mph (rather than a pulse of light at c) on a train travelling at say 100 mph relative to a viewing platform wouldn't be 200 + 100 = 300 mph from which the full 100 mph is subtracted to leave the bullet's unaffected speed at 200 mph (as the traditional principle of relativity might predict), but rather only 99 mph (say) would be subtracted from a total of only 299 mph, thereby leaving the correct value of 200 mph for the bullet. That is, the lesser value of W = v+w/1 +(v.w/c.c) is applied (rather than the full value of v+w/1 .] The reduced 'scope' for the moving frame to add further velocity isn't however directly due to that ultimate 'barrier' of an upper speed limit but to the increasing lag in receiving the information regarding the total velocity of the body concerned. No doubt there is some mathematical connection between these two correlated 'explanations'.

215.     If the measures of space (length or distance) were somehow affected comparably to measures of time, then Einstein would have found the complete 'mechanism' (albeit still theoretical) to account for his conclusions about the proportional variations in these components of velocity that must occur if the speed of light always remains at its one constant value (as inevitably perceived!) despite any attempted 'boosts' in its speed by means of being released on what is seen as a faster frame of reference (when measured from a slower moving one) and this increase in velocity then wrongly subtracted to confirm the unchanged value of light (at c). [And other slower moving bodies wouldn't gain as much of a boost thereby either, as formerly assumed, but a proportional one only - the proportion becoming less the greater the boost attempted - due again to the greater time lags involved in perceiving the relevant information. He would later (after publishing his theory) exemplify the time aspect of this 'mechanism' in more graphic ways - as with his analysis of simultaneity using lightening strikes, such simultaneity proving an inevitable/fundamental element in time preception.] All he needed now was to find some empirical evidence that this was indeed how nature (vs theory) actually worked.

Appearance and Reality

216.      Sometime after writing most of the foregoing, I bought and read a small book entitled 'My Einstein'. It was comprised of a number of articles by different authors which provide interesting material on their views, opinions and appreciation of Einstein based on either personal contact or, more often, through their familiarity with his work and/or with those who knew him more directly. In most cases, these ideas are associated with various different aspects of his theories (of particular interest to the respective authors) which they usefully elaborate without too much technical detail but which may provide the layman (as myself) with some new slant on various fundamental topics in the physics of motion and relativity. I hope eventually to cover (analyse) each paper in turn but in this first instance, I want to address my thoughts to certain ideas expressed in the paper by Charles Seife, a writer for Science magazine, entitled ‘The True and the Absurd’ as it provides a convenient structure to help me better formulate certain difficulties I’m having in understanding aspects of the theory (as touched on above regarding 'appears', 'is viewed as', 'apparently', etc). It would seem to fit appropriately about here - near the end of the present sections analysing and reviewing the Kinematics of Einstein's 1905 paper.

217.      In this article, Seife first addresses the background to Einstein’s conclusions about the relativity of time and space. He begins by describing his early thought experiment (when just 16) of travelling with a beam of light at its speed, but doesn’t elaborate upon this other than to imply that this would one day provide Einstein with part of the basis of his exposure of a flaw in Newton’s laws of physics. He then describes how the Danish astronomer Romer had explained a discrepancy in the apparent position of one of the moons of Jupiter in terms of the varying distance that Jupiter and its moons are from the Earth. Knowing these varying distances allowed him to calculate the speed of light - to be about 300,000 kilometres per second. The time the light takes to reach the Earth from Jupiter or from its moons thus varies slightly according to those varying distances (at least this would be the case if that finite speed was also constant, something that was established but only much later). Thus, says Seife, with those varying distances and times, “…it's as if someone were playing with your clock, making it run faster and slower…”. A key phrase here would seem to be ‘as if’; one’s local clock doesn’t actually vary in the structure or function of its running speed (I believe) nor, therefore, would the time that it actually measures vary - at least on that basis.

218.      In his youthful thought experiment, says Seife, “Einstein dreamed he was zooming away from Earth at near-light speed, leaving he native Germany far behind. He imagined looking back at the receding planet and spotting a clock ticking away.” Depending on his increasing speed, the light from the clock (and the time it apparently thus displayed) would take more and more time to reach him. It would again, says Seife, “…be as if the clock were ticking more slowly. And if he actually reached the speed of light, it would seem as if the clock’s hands (and thus the time they represented) had stopped moving entirely”. (We may reasonably suggest that, as above, they hadn’t actually stopped but, again, only appeared to do so to such a rapid traveller.) It was, said Seife, “…a consequence of Newtonian laws of motion and the finite speed of light”. That is, it (the light) and the information it transmitted wasn’t infinitely fast or instantaneous. We may thus assume that the consequence was the apparent slowing or stopping of the clock and of the time it measures, not any actual slowing or alteration in the passage of time at the clock-face. So, by accepting those two ‘laws’, “…you would, said Seife, have to concede that a clock would seem to freeze - if you moved away from it at the speed of light” and at least seem to slow considerably if one’s speed was somewhat less than that.

219.      [Note that this admission of such alterations being only apparent or ‘as perceived’ (vs actually being different) would nevertheless, I believe, be interpreted eventually as being 'effectively actual’ since there was no other way for the information about it being transmitted any faster (ie instantaneously) than by light but that necessarily taking this ‘lag’ into account somehow still doesn’t negate the apparent reality of this altered perception as being the (necessarily; inevitably) accepted and only case. The rest of this account will focus on how to explain or accept this apparent fact. It seems that the universal symmetry as between any two reference systems involved in the occurrence and the measurement of moving bodies means that any appearance of altered magnitudes of time or length (and thus velocity) so arising must be equally valid from either (symmetric) view point. By some logic, this undeniable symmetry somehow translates into such appearances equating to (?effective) 'reality' - as prove by subsequent predictions in this regard and as reflected in the general absence in explanations of relativity of the terms 'appears' or 'as perceived', etc.

220.      Thus, Einstein would eventually show that by 'holding fast' to the implications of the law of the constancy of the speed of light, it must follow that time and space are actually variable - depending on the difference in the velocities of the coordinate systems involved in the measurement of any moving body. This difference is the same thing that accounts for the 'apparent' slowing of the passage of time and the 'apparent' contraction of the length of any moving body (as describe for time at least by Einsten originally in terms of his flying away from the Berne clock). And the necessary invariablilty of ('holding fast to') the speed of light (plus the symmetry referred to above) would seem to be the ultimate reason(s) why such 'only apparent' effects must, nevertheless, be accepted as being (?in effect) not just 'apparent' but (albeit gradually and mysteriously during such explanations) somehow 'actual' !?! Also, the addition of velocities must (proportionally) 'fit into' the finite limitation of the possible total velocity possible (ie c). Time and space thus adjust in accord with that necessary and particular proportionality and the lag in information's transmission (and that symmetry factor!) somehow provides a (?convenient) 'explanation' of this. Note: I now accept that the physical explanation of this isn't the limitations of that upper limit of velocity per seibut that this is but a correlate of the actual physical 'mechanism' concerned, namely the 'lag' in the light signal information regarding the time and distance comprising the velocity of the body being thus observed/measured from 'afar'.]

221.      It was in any case my understanding that it wasn’t the ‘youthful’ (ie 16 year old) Einstein who imagined looking back at a clock in his native Germany, when visualizing his trip beside a light beam but, rather, when he was about 25 and, in fact, in Switzerland - on his way home from discussing related matters with his colleague Michel Besso when (as I mention in the preceding paragraph) he noticed the large clock in Berne town square. But otherwise the logic remains the same: the clock’s time would appear to him to be frozen at the time it showed when his imagined light speed journey began. A stationery observer back in the town square would similarly see the time (if he could) on Einstein’s watch frozen at that same time, while both would see their own local clocks or watches show that the time had continued to progress at its usual rate, which of course it had. Had the information about the times at the distant venues (as opposed to the actual times there) been conveyable instantaneously rather than ‘only’ at the speed of light, it would of course have agreed with the actual times. But the fastest possible signal to convey such information – about anything – is light – which while extremely fast is not of course instantaneous. It takes time. So, there is a ‘lag’ to consider when analysing such a thought experiment – a lag between appearance and reality. Apparently, Newton hadn't taken that into consideration, believing as he did in instantaneous light and gravity (or at least in absolute time and space, in any case).

222.      Seife then points out that “a few years later” (ie a few years after his first thought experiment at aged 16 seemingly), Einstein would refine such experiments and show thereby that a classical principle of Newton would have to be discarded – (seemingly in favour of that regarding the constancy of the velocity of light that was implied within the electromagnetic equations of Clerk Maxwell). Hidden within the implications of those terms ‘refine’ and ‘show’ was nothing less than the special theory of relativity itself - in which time and space would be so ‘shown’ (possibly very technically) to be variable or relative and not constant or absolute, as indicated within Newton’s laws. But such a leap in the present logic doesn’t explain in any degree whatsoever how we get from time appearing to be slowed (say), by virtue of the time lag in conveying information about actual clock time, to being slowed in reality (not just in perception) - as is apparently explained or implied within the special theory of relativity - possibly by means of the factors mentioned earlier. Also, we don’t know to when ‘a few years later’ refers – for example in relation to the thought experiment involving the Berne town clock - in early 1905, say. However, to further exemplify the basis of the conclusion that time is truly slowed or even stopped, Seife does quote Einstein’s later (post-1905) thought experiment concerning the perception of the simultaneity or otherwise of two lightening strikes when one is situated exactly mid-way between them - either in a stationery position or one moving (as on a train) towards one or other of the two locations where the lightening strikes. I don’t believe this example was one that Einstein quoted as being a factor in arriving at his theory (during 1904-05, say) but rather was one he used some time after its publication - when later seeking to better explain or at least give the flavour of its basis or logic to the layman [Yes: see now below.]

223.      [We may note here that a reason why Einstein was seeking to establish that time and space were in fact variable, that is, relative, rather than as Newton presumes, absolute, has not yet been indicated in this overview. As will be elaborated below, it was as I understand essentially to provide a means (the only means) whereby the principle of relativity (once generalised) could be shown to be (as indeed it was assumed by Einstein always to have been) compatible with the constancy of the velocity of light. Their apparent incompatibility – which Einstein felt shouldn’t be the case as they were in his view both firm and valid principles of physics - appeared somehow to relate to a rigidity of the usual measures of time and space - as being 'absolute' and unvarying. [We should provide the details regarding how he came to recognise this probable relationship; it was quite possibly because there were no other ‘variables’ available that could be relevant or responsible. But some idea about how this came to him would, as always, seem important and useful here. Did it not follow from the consequences of 'holding fast' to the constancy of light's velocity when deriving more fitting transformation equations?] Any suggestion that either variable might in fact not be absolute after all, was thus focused on by Einstein for this specific purpose – that is, to 'find a way' (even if it (time always requiring light signals?) only suggested the seeming 'mechanism') that would allow both these basic principles to continue to apply without being inconsistent with one another. Eventually, he did note just such a suggestion (via lightening strike example..or...?the Berne clock?) and when he followed this up (as he explained in his book on Relativity – a critical resume of which is provided below), it seems to have allowed us to better appreciate the actual (but thus obscured) compatibility which he felt must have been the case all along. The principle of relativity could be satisfied after all in that the law of the constancy of light's velocity would prove to apply whatever the difference may be of the velocities of the reference system it may be measured/observed from and that of its source.]

224.     But first we may continue describing part of this same explanation (but as provided by Seife) regarding the basis of the conclusion that time (in particular) was really relative (ie depended upon...something), not absolute. Thus, says Seife, Einstein points out that while a stationary mid-point observer would report that the two lightening flashes occurred at the same instant, the observer travelling past that same point when the two bolts struck the two distant points simultaneously, would report that the flash arising at the location towards which he was moving would be reported by him as occurring before the one arising (at that same instant) at the location from which he was moving away. That is, between the instant that the lightening struck in the two locations simultaneously (as we have been informed in this thought experiment) and his perception of either flash, only moments later (and now ‘out of synch’), he would have travelled towards the approaching flash and away from the other. The distances that the two flashes (being the light information about the simultaneous striking bolts), starting out at the same time (as defined in the experiment), had to travel to reach the moving observer were thus different over those two ‘legs’ of their journeys, whereas the distance of these two legs were exactly the same for the stationary observer.

225.      Seife notes that the stationery observer would thus report that the two bolts had indeed struck their tracks at precisely the same instant and were thus simultaneous (as would be the equally slightly later information flashes of same reaching his retina on which he based that conclusion). But for the moving observer, he points out that the time taken for the two information flashes about such strikes to reach his retina will be different depending on whether he is approaching or moving away from the relevant bolt when they actually struck simultaneously (as the distances that light information must travel would be different in the two cases - as light always travels at the same speed. He may thus report, says Seife, that “the two strikes were not simultaneous” – as based on the non-simultaneity of the two information flashes. I would suggest that for consistency and accuracy, he should really have reported that the two strikes would appear not to have been simultaneous (when in fact they were – as we have been told); the unqualified conclusion that they were in fact not simultaneous was thus wrong. One or the other bolt would thusappear to have struck either before or after the other one. They may well have been simultaneous – especially as per this particular thought experiment.

226.      [We may have to consider whether there is any way he could report (or calculate) the actuality of the situation or is he ‘doomed’ forever to be constrained to report (as his seeming reality) only that illusory (and momentarily delayed) perception ? But, if Einstein’s theory is verified consistently, it would seem to imply that such a constraint is somehow always expressed as 'the actuality' nevertheless !!? If so, then I would like to have that ‘somehow’ broken down into its logical steps and be so accounted for! It certainly hasn’t been thus far. What is the 'mechanism' at work ? We might also recall that any effects on time and length as proposed (theorized) may well not be universal but are in fact restricted to measurements (judgements) made of activities on one moving frame of reference from one moving at a different velocity. But are most of our judgements not made within the confines of our usual one local frame only ?? There seems to be a general acceptance (after 1905) that time and space are not absolute or constant but ‘are relative’ – period (‘full stop’). Is that the case really; should it not be qualified as always depending on whether the situation entails such differently-moving reference frames, but not otherwise? But of course even our own seemingly 'still' frame, may be seen as the one that is moving by those on (what appears to us to be) a differently (ie 'actually') moving frame. ]

227.      Seife summarizes the imagined results of Einstein’s thought experiments, which entail such configurations of moving objects as above, as “very odd” in that they (the foregoing set of differing perceptions) wouldn’t be predicted by the existing laws of classical physics (when, seemingly, they should have been). Had they been differing realities, I could see how such laws might well require some variation in Newton’s laws to account for such, but simply differing perceptions, at least as described, seem to me to have been quite adequately accounted for by those existing laws – as we have differentiated the realities from the perceptions. Nevertheless, says Seife, “Einstein realized that it (ie such differing perceptions) meant that ‘the concept of simultaneity’ had broken down.” [Note: not ‘the concept of apparent simultaneity’ or…‘appeared to have broken down’…but somehow real simultaneity had actually done so – ie had broken down - and hence (it seems) a new concept of (?real or ?apparent) time was needed.] From this, says Seife, it apparently follows that one’s perception of time becomes altered - when moving relative to one who is not so moving (or is moving differently). This at least does seem to support the idea that it was indeed simply one’s perception of simultaneity that had broken down, not that it had actually done so (whatever that may mean), and thus that it was this same conclusion that must apply to time itself – that is, to its perception. And yet, on this basis, says Seife, Einstein nevertheless concluded that Newton’s conception (not perception) of time as being absolute, with each actual tick of the clock being the same no matter how an observer of same was moving (and so receiving such perceptual information out of ‘synch’, as it were), must be wrong. [Note again: not ‘must appear to be wrong’ or ‘perceived’ tick but 'actual', seemingly. But just how does one get from the former to the latter??]

228.      And with similar logic, says Seife, Einstein concluded that Space (length) too was not absolute as Newton believed but was also (not just appeared to be…nor that the perception of length was…) dependent on one’s motion and thereby really varied, as did time. Both did not just appear to be dependent or relative therefore but really were - ie ‘relative’ – to one’s motion. Clocks did tick mechanically slower and rigid measuring rods were materially shorter....apparently.

229.      I don’t quite ‘see’ it (yet). There seems to be a magical leap from the ‘apparent’ logic (to coin a pertinent phrase) associated with perceptions of altered simultaneity, time and length (which, granted, may serve as a kind of model of a more subtle conception of reality) to that of some almost unknowable ‘real’ logic, possibly buried somewhere within Einstein’s more detailed theory of special relativity, by which the actual effects on these factors somehow arise and may presumably be shown, but to which most of us, still held in a world of 'appears','as seen from', etc, seem not to be privy. Maybe Newton meant that time and space ‘appear to be absolute’ and Einstein came along and said ‘no, actually, they ‘appear to be relative’ (and we haven’t access to whatever they may ‘really’ be) !? Maybe they're only 'effectively actual' !? [Note: However, I'm beginning to accept that the transformation equations do incorporate the quantitative outcome of the explanation Einstein has, I believe, given (somewhere) regarding the inevitable lag in receipt of the necessary information about time and distance (in observing a distant body's motion - including clock hands) and that these same apparent values arise as the equally inevitable result of holding to his two postulates; helpfully, these should be (ideally) two ways of saying the same thing! But that the possible effects of velocity of mass isn't yet another equivalent explanation.] [NB See now last paragraph in resume of Section 16 below as well.]

230.      It may be pointed out that just as the term ‘show’ as discussed earlier, so too the term ‘realized’ in the preceding paragraph seems conveniently to mask that large leap over the intervening steps in the logical exposition. While the perceptions of altered time and length so described may well have (as a kind of heuristic ‘model’) stimulated in Einstein’s mind a line of reasoning whereby he at least could ‘see’ how the apparent incompatability of the principle of relativity as it then stood and that concerning the constancy of the speed of light could be resolved - such that time and length (not just our perceptions of same) would indeed have to become really variable (or ‘malleable’ as he once said) in the same way that Newton assumed that invariable time and space were real, that line of reasoning (that ‘realization’) is not at all clarified (in my mind) by means of the thought experiments and the perceptual anomalies just described. [Note: the incompatibility thus referred to is a rather general form of expression which might be helpfully expressed more in terms of the specifics concerned – namely, in terms of the alteration in the values of time and space needed to allow light not to be increased in speed by a faster reference system, etc. (see later)].

231.      The time that any signal, including light (which, admittedly, is (a) extremely fast and (b) constant and thus reliable) takes to convey information (eg regarding the actual time or length at a different place) must, one assumes, be always taken into consideration. Quite possibly, we never have access to anything but such perceptions ?? Moreover, one must always keep in mind that the perceptions so based are equally valid from the 'other point of view'; that is, in terms of both mathematics and physics, there is no difference in the precedence or validity of perceptions made between any two coordinate/reference systems moving relative to one another. Therefore, no conclusions can be accepted that prejudices either perceptual stance. Thus, with respect to Einstein's tram journey, his perception of the time back in Berne (remaining at 11 o'clock, say) while locally his own watch showed him it was now 5 past 11, can not take precedence over the man in the Berne town square who notes that in Berne it is 5 past 11 but on the tram, it appears to him to still be 11 o'clock. Who is right ? The answer is...BOTH. At least this must be the answer if neither knows all the details of this 'thought experiment' (as the distances or the times so travelled).

232. Similarly, in the case of the lightening strikes, the magnitude of the equal distances from the mid-point between the two simultaneous strikes (at A and B) is irrelevant with respect to the validity of the report that they must have occurred at the same moment some very short time before they were perceived to be simultaneous. Without knowing those equal distances, however, one couldn’t say exactly when they had actually struck the tracks but one could at least say that they did so simultaneously – at some uncertain but equal distance and time from the observer. But if they were reported by a moving observer to be perceived at slightly different times, one couldn’t say at what distance they strucknor whether they may actually have been simultaneous – since there is no way for the information about them to be conveyed instantaneously to that observer that could answer that question with certainty (I believe). [Do we assume that in the thought experiment both observers know the locations of A and B but that in ‘real life’ this is what isn’t known and thus why we can (?typically) have only perceptions as the ‘experiential reality’ that Einstein so stresses ? If so, why isn't this very relevant feature emphasised (or even mentioned) ? But, to assert that two events are not simultaneous because our only possible perception of same indicates that, even though they might in fact actually have been simultaneous, would seem too insecure a basis on which to build a reliable physics of nature. However, one might again cite the problem that arises when there are two possible perceptual stances and neither is warranted to take precedence! That is, due to the symmetry factor mentioned above.]

233.      We may also point out here that, more to the point, the problem of the appearance vs the reality of the alterations in time and space (and thus in velocity) as described in Seife's paper (and which we are seeking to resolve) also manifested itself in Einstein's own paper of 1905. For we find (just as with Seife's exposition) that in its Section 2 of the Kinematic Part above - 'On the Relativity of Lengths and Times', we may recall that he expressed the following conclusion about Simultaneity (and thus Time) near the end of that section: "So we see that we cannot attach any absolute significance to the concept of simultaneity, but that two events which when viewed from a system of coordinates are simultaneous, can no longer be looked upon as simultaneous events when envisaged from a system which is in motion relative to that system." Thus, he doesn't say, simply, that such events when so viewed 'are no longer simultaneous' in any absolute sense but, rather (in effect), 'no longer appear to be so' - ie as now 'viewed', 'looked upon', envisioned', etc. Rather, they are actually relative. What are the implications of this selection of terms (vs the use of various forms of the verb 'to be' (rather than 'to appear') for his actual theory ?

234.     This interpretation was further supported when we looked earlier (above) at Section 4 - 'Physical Meaning of the Equations Obtained with Respect to Moving Bodies and Clocks' where in another conclusion (after careful reasoning), he noted that "..whereas the Y and Z dimensions ..of any rigid body do not appear modified by motion (in the X direction), the X dimension (of length) does appear shortened - in the ratio of 1 to sq rt (1 - v²/c²). However, within this very same sentence (after a semi-colon), he then adds the elaboration - "ie, the greater the value of v, the greater the shortening". That is, he doesn't now say - "ie, the greater the value of v, the greater the apparent or viewed shortening". Why not ? For consistency, objectivity and clarity, he should have done so, I believe (unless there was some confusion regarding the term 'appear' in the translation?). Equally, he continues by noting that when "...v = c (and thus v/c = 1), all moving objects - as viewed from the 'stationary' system - shrivel up into plain figures.." (that is, 'lose all of their length dimension' presumably). Again, for consistency, should the phrase not have been 'appear to shrivel up' ? But, while it wasn't thus made explicit, it was presumably still implied(!) (unless he somehow wants it 'both ways' - ie first one way - as 'appears' - and later another way - as 'is'). For one understands from other accounts of this phenomenon that the bodies concerned don't actually alter in their 'rigid' physical structure. Finally, in this section on length, he notes that the same results would apply with respect to bodies at rest in the 'stationary system' - when viewed from the system in uniform motion. That is, the 'apparent' effects too are symmetric and of equal validity and relevance from either viewpoint. This seems to be rather crucial and significant in the ultimate validity of the theory. Such symmetric perceptions of equal precedence would seem to be the inevitable reality (despite all the gradually understated 'appears') on which all the implications of the theory - as confirmed by later observation - are validly based.

235.     The brevity of the only once admitted concept 'appears' within the discussion on Length (ie Space) is further exemplified in the next paragraph when he addresses the matter of the other component of velocity - ie Time. His conclusion in this case is "...whence it follows that the Time marked by the clock (viewed in the stationary system) is slow by...1/2 v²/c²". That is, it isn't, to be consistent with the discussion on Length, described as 'appears slow...' by that amount - but is so stated that one would now reasonably assume it to be slow - ie as an actual slowing of this amount. Again, we may assume that such a result is symmetric as described for Length. But do the clocks concerned actually tick more slowly - in some physical sense - (and do the lengths concerned contract physically as well) or is it 'merely' a perceptual anomaly (even if a mutually symmetric 'perceptual reality') ? While the clock hands may slow, does the passage of time that it purports to measure also do so ? Yes - as with the Berne clock's time; it stopped ticking (moving) forward ! Does time exist - beyond its man-made measurement by the successive ticking of man-made clock-machines - or have we simply invented it as a means of differentiating different velocities of a moving body on different occasions - eg at the very same location ?? If the universe was created (or created itself) in little more than an instant, say, time may well have existed for that instant but if the universe then 'froze' and entailed no further change whatsoever, there would presumably be no time nor need for any. [Note that in the transformations first advanced by Voight, there was apparently some implication regarding time dilation, as there would be in Lorentz's equations. The magnitude of the latter were concluded by Ives & Stillwell (1938) to have been more precise than Voight's (and possibly nearer those calculated by Einstein despite the initial concern that Lorentz's was simply made to fit the results (ie exactly).]

236.      Thus, observers travelling in opposite directions at a velocity difference of near the speed of light (if that were possible) may find that if their own watches showed them that it was 12 noon when their journey began, after 5 minutes they would both note that it was then 12.05 on their own watches but still about 12 noon on the others' watch (if they could see that far). What is the correct time then ? Neither has precedence; they are equal and symmetric. Neither is more 'truly moving' in relation to the other even if one or the other might appear to be; the mathemetics and the validity of the logic is identical. Time is thus relative to the perceptual viewpoint adopted. The same argument may apparently be made with respect to space (length or distance). Now in the example just given, it may be the case that each observer already knows that his counterpart's watch shows the same time as his own just before the journey begins. They may also know what the difference in their velocity may be and at what velocity (c) the delayed time information (via light) from the other's watch will come to them. They could thus calculate what delay may be expected in the perception of each others' times. But, where these factors are not known, both could only trust what information they do have. This seems to relate to what Einstein describes as the reality (and validity) of 'our experience'. And where the velocity difference was (more realistically) at any other (lesser) magnitude, the extent of the difference in the perception of each other's times would be correspondingly less - according to some function of the ratio of v/c. But why is there no mention of the apparent importance of this crucal effect of this ignorance of the associated knowledge ?

237.     So, we see that for both Length and Time, the interpretation that the alteration or modifications of these constituent factors of velocity in terms of perceptions or appearances which seems initially accepted by Einstein and those interpreting his theory, is generally replaced by the idea that such modifications tend to be described 'as if' actual or, if not actual, are gradually portrayed as 'effectively' or 'virtually' so - with such qualifications also quierly and conveniently dropped. While the subsequent examples cited by Einstein and others that indicate that one or other of the latter forms - of actuality is the case, appear to be valid (and thus the underlying hypotheses regarding Space and Time are consistently supported by later examination), it seems to me that there is nevertheless a very strong need to more fully explain how the conception of 'appears', so often introduced at the start of such discussions, turns so magically into 'is' in this or many other expositions of his theory as they are further elaborated. Surely it's rather crucial and fundamental. We may note that there appears to be no symbol in all the mathematical reasoning and equations underlying the theory for the verbal concept of 'appears' vs 'actually is'. Rather, there seems to be an assumption that any such reasoning, with its various equations and formulae, always implies that latter reality (unless specifically excluded?).

On Einstein’s Insight about Time - (from books by Michio Kaku and Albrecht Folsing).

238.       These two recommended authors describe how Einstein finally found the source of the time (and later space) adjustments he felt were needed to fulfill the demands of the principle of relativity (as he believed to be the case) - ie to allow the law of the constancy of the speed of light to hold, devoid of an ether, and, as a law of nature, to accord with that principle in all possible circumstances. This was apparently 'the problem or difficulty' he had been addressing latterly - rather than trying to answer Michelson directly - as Lorentz had been - regarding a somewhat different problem, with different premises (involving a still ether and the traditional mechanical model to explain light's behaviour). It should also allow him to 'see' why he couldn't after all race with (or match the speed of) his sunbeam and see it as a 'frozen' wave - as Newton's mechanics appeared to have allowed - which was his original concern and problem. As touched on above, if it turned out to be the case that Einstein failed in finding this solution, science would have had to continue to 'live with' some unacceptable 'anomaly' that was either apparent because clear empirical evidence pointed to it or was generally accepted to be the case as established by convincing theoretical considerations. Just what was this 'anomaly'. Did Lorentz, Poincare and Einstein all agree on what it was? Was it that obvious and incontrovertible, or was it still unrecognised or not fully accepted ? How was it described by Einstein in his 1905 paper (if it was)? But first we consider the factor by means of which this elusive problem/anomaly was in part resolved - Time. It may help answer the foregoing questions.

On Time - 1.   Based on Michio Kaku’s book.

239.      [Note: In this account, I have integrated certain ideas I've concluded myself – some from other readings – so it is no longer just Kaku’s framework (as excellent and useful as that is). This focus on Time by Einstein would appear to have been an important step when he sought to resolve the seeming incompatibilty problem. While eventually appreciating that the latter situation could define 'the problem' more succinctly than had been the case initially, it apparently proved difficult to resolve until he had this 'insight' regarding Time (as well as his conviction about the lack of any absolute rest or motion in the universe, or need for such an ether medium, still or otherwise). One should be able to integrate both elements into Einstein's later (1920) account at an appropriate point (see below). Ditto for any of Folsing's remarks on these same topics which follows below. Both authors provide some of the pertinent background material on Einstein's early career as already touched on above.]:

240.       As a teenager, Einstein apparently read a popular book about science in which the author asked the reader to imagine travelling within a copper wire along with its flowing electricity. This was no doubt an important influence on his own imaginary trip, conceived about a year later (ca 1895), of travelling along with a beam of light waves at their enormous speed. Would they, he apparently asked himself at one point, appear as still, frozen (unmoving) waves beside him? At first, he apparently thought they would, at least according to the then prevailing mechanics of Newton, since the apparent relative speed of anything, including light, should in that model vary according to the speed of its source or of the one measuring it. To a fellow traveller therefore the forward speed of the light waves originating from a relatively stationary source should appear as virtually still. If released from a very fast moving source they should on the other hand flash by (or appear to flash by) a relatively stationary observer even faster than light’s usual speed. However, Einstein would later change his mind about these early conclusions, as we shall see.

241.       For shortly after this, he began his course in physics at the Zurich Polytechnic (1895) and, within a year or so, became aware of Clerk-Maxwell’s famous equations regarding electricity and magnetism and their relationship with light. Being an excellent mathematician, he analysed these in depth and, recalling his earlier thought experiment about how light waves would appear when one travelled with them at their speed, eventually realised that they probably couldn’t, in Maxwell conception, appear as ‘frozen’. For his analysis indicated that not only did such electro-magnetic waves travel at the same speed as light and that, as Maxwell had concluded, light was itself comprised of such waves, but that a ratio of the electric and magnetic components of all these waves, which was a constant, eventually indicated to Einstein after some vascillation that their speed, and thus that of light, was itself a universal constant – later symbolized as c. In this interpretation, light could not vary its speed to reflect a faster speed of its source or allow an observer accompanying it to perceive it at anything but its usual immense speed relative to such an moving observer (amazingly). [The principle of relativity may have predicted this had the 'law' of light (c) been first established and accepted, for it would require it to hold fast to its nature and so not be influenced by the speed of its source nor that of any fast-moving observer - as all other moving bodies were (to a large extent) - as their 'natures' would allow that.] Whether Maxwell and others a little later (as Hertz, Lorentz and Poincare), had reached the same conclusion about light's constancy seems uncertain. If they had, it appears that no one else appreciated any crucial implications of this. [Lorentz includes the idea of c in his later equations but must have still assumed (inconsistently?) that this would be somehow reasonably 'over-ridden' in such as Michelson's experiments and yet 'masked' by influences his theory would introduce.]

242.       This constant speed, of 186,000 mps in a vacuum (as space), was thus, especially in Einstein’s analysis of Maxwell’s theory (almost by definition), unaffected by the speed of its source, target or of those observers measuring it; it was an inherent feature or 'law' of nature. This was a most unique conclusion. [Indeed; some physicists to this day still have their doubts apparently.] For no other moving phenomena (as governed by the laws of mechanics) appeared to possess this strange property. It meant that if a pulse of light was released at point x from a relatively stationary source at the same instant as a similar pulse was released from a source travelling past the former one at some immense speed, they would still both travel at their one and only speed and so reach the same target at the same instant. The ‘boost’ in speed given the second pulse when released from its fast moving source would provide absolutely no advantage to it; it was as though it had one upper (and lower) limit and that speed was a constant - being both its maximum and minimum possible speed. And if an observer was travelling at say ľ the speed of light [relative to some agreed reference point] when he released that second pulse, he would nevertheless see it speed away from him not at just a Ľ the usual speed of light (in relation to himself at his own very fast speed) but still at its usual full 100% speed of 186,000 mps from him – as though he were virtually stationary. [And while to other seemingly stationary observers he appears to be moving away that fast, to that traveller, such distant observers may (or could) appear to be moving away from him at 3/4 the speed of light and to them, from that point of view, he would indeed appear as stationary (which, in one sense, he is!] At least, this would seem to follow if anyone had at this stage yet pursued these ideas to this extent - at least in theory. Possibly Einstein had but no others it seems.

243.       These conclusions by Einstein of Maxwell’s theory (when eventually fully arrived at about 1903/04) would be in contradiction to the original mechanics of Newton (and to the electromagnetic mechanics of Lorentz?*) which would predict that the resultant speed of any phenomena, including light, must reflect its own innate speed plus that of anything conveying, boosting or hindering it. And that, similarly, if one could travel near the speed of light, its speed would to that extent appear much slower than otherwise – even ‘frozen’, if the speeding observer was able to go at light's own speed. This paradox and of the different perceptions that theoretical observers of same would report in terms of these two theories, depending on their own speeds, troubled Einstein for many years. Both couldn’t be right. But before 1905, he would not appreciate why Maxwell's ideas, at least when shorn of the ether, would eventually prove correct - with one important revision. {* I'm not certain when Lorentz accepted that c was indeed a constant.]

244.       After graduating (1900), Einstein was unable to obtain a position in a university, as he had hoped, due less to his grades than to his reputation as a rather difficult personality who didn’t take kindly to authority. Through a friend, he eventually obtained a post as a Patents Examiner in Berne, Switzerland in 1902. To keep himself abreast of developments in physics, he and some friends formed an informal scientific discussion group. They discussed amongst other things Ernst Mach’s book on ‘The Science of Mechanics’ and certain writings by the French mathematician Henri Poincare, in both of which, amongst other things, Newton’s ideas on the absoluteness of time and space were discussed, as was the role, if any, of ‘the ether’ in light’s propagation. The aforementioned paradox about light was also a frequent topic, it seems. For a time (ca 1902/03), he had apparently considered it could be the case that light may in fact not be a true constant and also that there may actually be an ether - in an attempt to resolve these persistent difficulties; but he later abandoned both these ideas more completely. By about 1903/04, he had apparently become aware of Lorentz's transformation equations and of Poincare's thoughts on both Time and on the principle of relativity and these likely informed his thinking increasingly over the next few months. Before about 1904, Einstein hadn’t, it seems, yet (re-)discovered this particular ‘general principle’ (of relativity), although he had recently decided that he must find some such general principle to resolve 'the difficulties'. For his other more usual attempts to do so (trial and error experiments in which the various elements concerned were mentally manipulated - in the abstract) hadn’t worked and he saw that by arguing from some more general overview or principle was more likely to prove successful - that is, to find some inconsistency or anomaly; some general principle with whose over-riding logic the more specific factors involved would have to come into line.

245.       Thus when, after noting Poincare's reference to it, he gave deeper thought to the probable role of a principle of relativity (with its particular demands), he seems to have concluded that this was indeed the principle for which he was searching. By analysing how it should and could apply with respect to all laws of nature (including that of light) he eventually saw that some kind of 'adjustments' (specifically of time and space) were clearly needed but ones that could be better justified than those advanced by Lorentz of which, we must assume, he had recently (? ca 1903/4) become aware. But they were, he felt, inadequately explained and came about more as necessary if passive adjustments to the arithmetic of his newly elaborated transformation equations (with the ether as a causative factor) designed to explain rather too exactly a different (if related) outcome than that for which Einstein was seeking to account. But, while Lorentz in effect did so also, Einstein needed to discover a more realistic, more explicable basis for such apparent variations.

246.       And then, one evening in May 1905, he had been visiting his friend Michel Besso - going through this particular matter yet again and, as before, had to admit defeat; there seemed no way to resolve the difficulties and decide just how the differently moving observers would report their perceptions about light’s speed. Was it truly constant whatever one’s own apparent speed or the speed of light’s source, or would it actually vary as most others still assumed? [As mentioned earlier, this problem was at this point still a theoretical one; the empirical evidence concerning a phenomenon whose velocity was 186,000 mps was not yet accessible for clear empirical confirmation.] On his way home, he apparently passed the famous clock tower in the Berne town square and looked up at the time; for some reason, he wondered what it would be like if the tram and he suddenly sped away at the speed of light ? If it was then 11.00 pm, say, then after one, two or five minutes, what would the town clock show him as the time (assuming he could still see that far behind)? He quickly realised that it would continue to show him that it was still 11.00 o’clock whereas his own watch travelling with him would show it was respectively 11.01, 11.02 and 11.05. That is, that the light reflected off the Berne clock’s hands showing 11.00 pm would travel at the same speed as he was travelling – continue to convey that same information - but that the light leaving the hands just after that, as they continued to move gradually towards 11.05 back in Berne, would never reach him as he theoretically moved away at the speed of light. It would continue to show him it was still 11.00 o’clock there.

247.      This realisation about the apparent slowing or even stopping of time, coupled with various conclusions he had been slowly gathering through his reading of current literature in this general area of electrodynamics (as by Poincare), plus his crucial talks with Besso - eg on the asymmetry problem in the related sphere of electro-magnetics (and ditto in mechanics) which implied there was only relative motion - as the principle of relativity had always implied, somehow led him to the resolution of his long standing paradox over the next few hours. That is, to allow the constancy (c) of light's speed (as just another general law of nature) to meet the demands of the principle of relativity (with which he was now convinced all such laws had to accord) - by means of the application of the equivalent of Lorentz's 'adjustments' (transformations) - but now with a more logical basis/origin for the necessary variability of time (and space) that Einstein recognised was inherent in those transformations (and for which he apparently now had the true source). The solution thus seemed to lay in his sudden insight that it was the concept of TIME in particular that had been misconstrued for so long. He later described this as his final ‘step’ in his long struggle to understand the full implications of Maxwell theory of electrodynamics - of all motion in nature (which was always relative). Everything in motion must, in a sense, become a proportion of the speed of light - that constant and upper limit of the speed of any and all moving bodies.

248.       While Maxwell had established with mathematical precision the necessary equations by which the constancy of the speed of light appeared valid, Newton had not provided an equivalent analysis regarding his assertion that time (and space) were absolute (rather than possibly varying according to certain conditions). Their accepted invariable constancy or absoluteness were, rather, simply unquestioned assumptions or assertions. As long as Einstein accepted both his own interpretation of Maxwell’s ideas on light’s one constant velocity (distance per time) and Newton’s unchallenged one on absolute distance and time values underpinning differing velocities of all (other?) bodies, the paradox would remain. And while he appeared to favour Maxwell and was probably also persuaded to a lesser extent – by both Mach and Poincare - that Newton’s universal time and distance measures were, like the ether, unsupported concepts, he needed some clue and guidance that might resolve this latter problem more definitely. He wanted a logical, non-ether means by which to better justify Lorentz's transformations within which such variations in time and space were now integral. The imagined tram journey led to a realization of the mutual reciprocity and equivalence (re their validity) of perceived times and distance in respect of the motion of all bodies by those moving at different relative speeds, with neither point of view having precedence. Once he did realize this - that time and space were the relative ones for all motion (except for light which was constant) - his problem was to make that latter unique constancy compatible with the principle of relativity - as he now felt (more securely) should apply to all laws of nature). As touched on earlier, this reasoning required a prior justification also of the primacy of this principle - ie in terms of the arguments referred to above. Otherwise, there would of course be no need to seek a way to allow the compatibility being sought! His new kinematics, seemingly evolved later that night, then show how this compatibility was the case and could indeed be realized.

249.       Prior to this, he (like anyone) had great difficulty accepting that if one could (in one’s own fast-moving frame of reference) travel at or near the speed of light, that nevertheless any light 'switched on' therein would still speed away from one at its usual speed in all directions, including 'forward' - in the same direction one was travelling so fast. [Again, this earlier confusion likely reflected the fact that he hadn’t yet considered the relevant implications of the principle of relativity (until ca 1904) - especially as illuminated by the true implications of the idea of the actual symmetry inherent in not only current induction but in all motion. That is, that there is no fixed resting point in the universe and therefore only relative motion was possible - except for light - as implied by the principle of relativity.] There should, somehow, be no ‘frozen waves’ to be observed. All this would soon be conceptualised within a more coherent framework - as a matter of resolving an apparent incompatibility between the constancy of the speed of light and the dictates of the principle of relativity as it had previously applied to mechanics.

250.       If the principle of relativity was to hold with respect not only to the laws of mechanics (all of which entailed potentially varying velocities of the bodies 'moved' thereby - ie due to the motion of their associated reference systems)- but also to this awkward and unique constancy law about light (with its never varying velocity no matter what may be the velocities of its associated reference systems) - at least, once the relevance and seeming universality of this principle was finally if belatedly considered, this would be quite as expected by this principle: every such frame of reference should (apparently) allow all activities, both mechanical and electrodynamic, to proceed as nature intended – as the relative speeds of such frames should, according to that fundamental principle, accord as required to all laws of nature. [This was thought to be the case due either to the effects of inertia - as applies to the motion of all mechanical bodies - or, more generally, to the dictates of Einstein's and Bondi's even more fundamental principle of the elegance and unity of nature which ideally should have no exceptions; see also Hawking's and Einstein's own justification for the necessity and rationale for the principle of relativity above]. When one assumed that the light racer was travelling so fast, it was so only in relation to some other frame and from the (apparently) faster moving observer in his frame, the other frame could in fact appear to be the one moving (away) just as fast and thus the acceptance by those in the latter frame that light should move from them at its usual very fast speed proves to have no more justification that that of the other observer in his frame! [See also Einstein's discussion on the asymmetry problem.]

251.       Thus it was the frozen time of the tower clock, in contrast to the normally proceeding time of his own ‘local’ watch - whilst on his ‘light-speed’ tram journey – that provided the clue that such doubts about absolute time and space were probably fully justified. This clue pertained to the fact that in certain circumstances (ie where those concerned don't have any prior information regarding each other's time - as Einstein atypically did have in his thought experiment), it is not possible to determine with confidence at what time an event occurs or how long was its duration. It would depend on the speed of one’s frame of reference relative to that on which the event occurred and their consequent distance apart. Equally, it may not be possible to determine whether two events at different locations occur at an identical time – ie simultaneously. He would later say that “…by a revision of the concept of simultaneity, (in which local time had to be defined and times on fast-moving frames of reference only established (via Lorentz transformations) from that defined time) into a more malleable form, I arrived at the theory of relativity”. By ‘malleable’ (?variable) here, he seems to have meant that the answer to any such question had two or more different but equally valid answers, none being more valid than the others. It would depend on or be relative to whatever speed one was travelling in relation to some other comparison frame, and vice versa. Our laws of nature had to be formulated to account fully for the different but equally valid experiences of us all - including the different perceptions we may have of the local time compared to others. For life isn't a series of thought experiments where we make up and know the prior conditions; much more typically, we don't know them.

252.       Although he no doubt appreciated that while the clock back on the square only appeared to show that time had slowed – due to the fact that the light conveying its true on-going, changing status couldn’t reach its target (ie his eyes) – and that the time shown on one’s own nearby watch indicated that the town clock’s apparent time was probably not the actual local time back there, his new awareness of the actual equality of these two realities and its consequences for the concept of ‘simultaneity’, somehow led him to a solution of his paradox. For, as mentioned, it would normally not be possible to 'know' which time was more 'right' than the other as neither was in any absolute universal sense; each was 'right' for their own locality and the other's could only be calculated by means of knowing the distances and speed differences involved over which the other's information could be conveyed by reliable signals. To be confident that the event of the hands on his watch (in the travelling tram) and that of those back in Berne had really reached identical positions simultaneously it was necessary to know what their positions had been when the two clocks were in the same locality. This is another way of saying when the common time for them had been defined and accepted and either clock and its observer then moved away at some speed, one could calculate what the time would be at their common origin by considering the distance and speed of their separation...but only if known!

253.      The idea that time was indeed not absolute, but variable - being dependent upon what was the frame of reference of the observer - (and ultimately upon a reliable signal (particularly light) to convey information about the measure of time, whether locally or from a (?moving) distance, was the crucial breakthrough. It meant a new physics was required. The faster one moved away from a given location, the slower the time in that receding location would appear and, by reasoning to be elaborated later, the shorter would the distance between moving positions appear also. Thus, the speed (distance per time) of a moving object there would also appear slower. And these same measures would be affected in exactly the same way when activities on the ‘moving’ frame were assessed from the ‘stationary’ one - or vice versa. Because of this equivalence, neither can take precedence and thus neither is more valid than the other and can’t be accounted for by somehow ‘knowing’ that one or the other is incorrect due to a reasoned time lag in receiving the relevant information. Both are equally affected and thus correct (or incorrect?). There is no other 'more real' time (or length). (The term 'appear' above may thus not be accurate.) A physics was needed that could accommodate both realities (and not 'appearances'). At least the constancy of the speed of light allows us to perceive two events as simultaneous by means of defining a synchronised time for those in separated frames of reference and/or take account of the effect of any lag in information (conveyed by light signals of known, constant speed) regarding real time perceptions - to define an acceptable common time for a defined locality or region. But, both time and space remain relative (and thus variable) where such prior arrangements for a local situation can not be made and differently moving frames of reference are involved (I believe). [This may need clearer analysis.]

254.       [Note: This next paragraph comes from the account on the asymmetry problem most of which has now been placed prior to the present discussion on the insight into Time. This additional portion is inserted here but will need an introduction that proves compatible with the present remarks]: ...'So Einstein concluded that his imaginary traveller on the tram and the observer back at the Berne square were completely equal in terms of how each saw their own and the other’s local times. Simultaneity of an event at either location with the other (speeding away from each other?) could not be established (be it position of clock hands or any other event) and this somehow suggested to Einstein that Time needed to be re-defined such that its actual relativity (vs absoluteness) became acknowledged (as it would also for space). Besso would later claim that it was he who brought the matter of the aymmetry problem into their conversations and (also in retrospect) saw it as a practical anticipation of the relativity concept - ie as though this aspect (regarding time and space or just the principle?) of the overall problem hadn’t yet shown itself by that late point!. But, we recall that at about the same time, this concept had entered into Poincare's thinking along with his ideas about time and simultaneity. Einstein likely put two and two together shortly thereafter (and so applied that concept to both the question of the relativity of all motion (and the associated equivalence of the two coordinate systems) and the matter of the variability (ie 'relativity') of time and space - possibly even as late as that evening and night!' [But see below when Einstein ‘returned’ to the Lorentzian view about the constancy of light’s speed (apparently inherent in his theory even though that meant it contradicted the relativity principle and thus why there was the dilemma – which Lorentz sought to overcome in his various ways (with Poincare). But this would imply that this principle was already determining his analysis; was it or wasn't it? And was he (Lorentz) really yet convinced about light's constant speed and/or upper limit ??]

255.       [Note: This next paragraph may address and answer the question I've placed at various points - namely - in which calculations was it that Einstein realized he could/should now replace the absolute values that he (and everyone!) had or would use (pertaining to 'his problem') with these now variable, relative ones - in order finally to resolve the problem as he saw it ?]: Thus, as I wrote herein earlier: "This new conception would provide the means by which to reconcile the idea that anyone travelling very fast beside a light beam would still find that light would move away at its usual speed. Regardless of his speed, whether fast or slow, relative to the light’s source, he could be quite unaware of this speed (assuming it was smooth and uniform) - just as we experience while moving so fast with our Earth - and so, in accord with a new principle of relativity, perform all normal activities in accord with the laws of nature (including now the law of the constancy of the speed of light). As such, it somehow must move away from him at its usual speed. A ground-based observer would see both the distant light beam and the reflected light from the nearby traveller slowed down such that the same relationship between them would still pertain. This was the reconciling factor. The traveller’s speed would not be appreciated by the traveller himself if he had no other clues and in fact the observer on the Earth would appear to the ‘traveller’ as the one moving away at speed. The crucial point is that neither is any more the actual traveller than the other and that, therefore, the laws of nature (including that of the speed of light) should prove equally valid for both situations – ie be to that extent ‘malleable’ or ‘flexible’ - to maintain the universality of the laws of nature for all observers in the separated, differently moving environments that are their respective realities and experience. [Ditto seemingly re my example of racing with a light beam from the Sun to the Earth in 8 minutes.]

256.      We can assess the behaviour of moving objects within our local frame – using ‘local time’ and ‘local distance’ measures but when assessing the same situations on or in relation to a fast-moving frame, we would have to make allowance for the speed that frame was moving in relation to the local one, and the distance and speed the light signals had to travel to convey its information from there (and vice versa). These allowances became known as the ‘Lorentz transformations’ as they were first calculated by Lorentz before 1900 although, as menioned above, they were not derived in terms of the same physical principles that Einstein’s equivalent equations were when he deduced them independently in 1905. Moreover, this new interpretation should result in it not being possible by utilizing mechanical or electrodynamic measures to determine which of two moving frames of reference was moving relatively the faster or slower - as was seemingly the case before Einstein resolved the problem. This was apparently not the case when Lorentz's interpretation was applied. Light had required a special (unique) dispensation under Lorentz's model - which was a source of some dissatisfaction to many physicists at the turn of the century.

257.       If it was the case that one would never see ‘frozen’ waves beside oneself no matter how fast you appeared to travel relative to some reference point or system, as light would always race ahead of you at its usual speed, it should nevertheless also be the case that those on that reference frame could equally be seen to be the ones moving at such a speed (relative to the first frame - which would now appear as the stationary frame). Those in either frame could see either themselves or the others as the ones moving or stationary! From themselves, light would always move away at its usual speed. [What would each see in regard to speed of light in relation to those on the other frame?? Recall that each would see the other's time as slower than their own and distances shorter - their own remaining 'normal'.] There was obviously a need for some kind of major adjustment in the analysis of the ‘geometric’ (kinematic) variables involved. Something had to ‘give’ that allowed this otherwise inexplicable perception – of (seemingly) going at such a speed oneself and yet the light still racing away from one at its usual speed, not some greatly decreased or increased speed, as seen from the stationary platform - and vice versa.

258.       The basis for this adjustment was what Einstein suddenly ‘saw’ when he realised that TIME from certain points of view depended upon one’s speed in relation to the clocks used to measure it. [It seems to me that the most fundamental principle in this analysis is that one’s speed, even near that of light if this were possible, has no absolute significance. All of our movements are at some speed, whether ‘slow’ or ‘fast’ – but only in relation to something else – but have no bearing on how we arrive at our model of reality. We are, for example, mostly unaware that we are travelling around the Sun at a great speed (30 kps). Most of our perceptions of things moving near us entail an assumption that we are effectively ‘stationary’ or, if we are not, we can easily ‘make allowances’ for this vis a vis some other 'stationary' reference of interest. And even if we suddenly move at ľ the speed of light (in relation to some environment), our laws remain exactly the same. For that seeming speed is ‘merely’ in relation to something not going that fast. If everything around us was also going that fast (as it may well be), we’d be much less aware of it – especially if everything ‘worked’ just the same as otherwise – which it does - including the 'law of light' [providing we recognise that time and space vary when ws adjust for light's constancy when we view others' apparently moving platforms (or is it ours that is moving?). Otherwise, the principle of relativity doesn't hold good and we could definitely tell which frame was moving or not.]

259.       The speed of light – relative to ourselves – reflecting another law of nature, would therefore always be 186,000 mps – ie ‘from us’. [This is what accepting Maxwell's equations demands. It does seem to place the observer as a rather overly relevanr and/or important element. Surely light moves from the Sun at its one speed whether we're here or not?]. Our own relative background motion, whether slight or massive, relative to any other frame of reference, doesn’t change anything. Once moving, we are virtually unaware of it and that ‘smooth’ motion, due to the law of inertia, can be effectively ignored. There’s something very fundamental and crucial in all this. In Galileo’s day, this was essentially the ‘principle of relativity’ as it applied to all mechanical motion and the laws governing same. They would apply identically whatever might be our own uniform motion relative to anything else. Einstein eventually realised that the ‘law of light’s speed’, as a general law of nature, should (?must) accord with this same essential and most fundamental principle (for reasons elaborated previously; but, in a sense, this is still a hypothesis of the theory being presented). To the apparent (but not really) fast traveller, those left back on Earth become the ones (apparently) moving away, and at this same great speed, and so might be assumed (again wrongly) to be approaching the speed of light and so they could be equally the ones to see it’s waves as ‘frozen’ - if, that is, either observers were really moving at near to the speed of light - in some absolute sense - but of course, they're not.

260.       As the reasoning behind these two conclusions are equally valid, however, neither would take precedence and the laws of nature must somehow apply equally validly to both points of view. But, what Einstein first realised was that both observers would see the other's time and distance equally different from their own. The implications of that appears to be what was only THEN analysed in terms of the principle of relativity, I believe. Thus, if the principle of relativity should hold for both [as concluded on the basis of....(what?)] – from whichever frame any moving object is assessed – then Einstein's recognition of the different times perceived by differently moving observers would seem to provide him, finally, with the means by which this could indeed be the case. Or did he arrive at the latter recognition only after setting a principle of relativity as the more basic determinant?] In any case, it did so by indicating that the valid measures of time and space therein are not those absolute, unchanging ones used in the original principle of relativity but the now corrected, malleable, relative ones that depend upon the speeds of the associated frames of reference (ie that of the observer relative to that where the event occurs) and the inevitable lag in time for signals to inform each other of the other's times and distances. There is no other absolute time or space, only relative ones. If the observer is in the same frame as the event, then both time and length are as expected.

261.       As Einstein later reported it, “…a storm broke loose in my mind….the solution came to me suddenly with the thought that ‘our concepts and laws of space and time can only claim validity insofar as they stand in a clear relation to our experiences’. Einstein realised that our experience of time was always predicated ultimately on the conveyance of information about it by means of signals of one kind or another. The fastest signal was light (although such information could be conveyed by various other means as well seemingly - but not necessarily with such reliable constancy of speed which was apparently crucial in establishing a common definition of time that remained reliable). There was no other way ‘to know’ the time other than by means of signals and it was thereby (?always) dependent on (relative to) any lag in the receipt of that information according to the speed of its source and the distance involved. As such, it would vary accordingly and so not be absolute, real and constant. The same should apply to our measures of space. As such, it was possible for two or more observers to report that a given event (such as a certain position of a clock's hands!) could be seen as occurring at different times, not simultaneously, depending on their respective speeds and positions in relation to any clock (and thus that of the different distances signals may convey that event or time) away from or towards their respective clocks or observers. With greater speed away from the clock, time would appear to slow (be dilated) relative to more local time (and distances shorter). [Consider the example here of the moving 'light clock' (with the distance travelled by the light signals and hence the time between 'ticks' depending on the relative motion of the observer) and how the time indicated by any clock is somehow similarly affected and depends on whether one is travelling with the clocks or observing them as moving away from one.]

262.       In Einstein's fast-travelling tram example, he 'knew' his local time was what it really was back in Berne (despite what the clock there showed him) but in normal situations, which one of such different times, even if known, is the more valid, if either, is unknown.] But this applied to the other observer equally; there was no way to establish that either view point could take precedence. Our laws have to be consistent with this mutually valid, reciprocal reality ('experience') and incorporate/accommodate all such equally valid situations. Neither was the more ‘real’ time; all 'local' times are valid to those in its vicinity, or to those further afield but not moving away - if a common time throughout an area has been reliably established. [Is this our 'simple/direct' measures of speed?] To each observer in their own environment, everything would appear as normal but to the distant or differently-moving observer [our 'indirect/complex' case], things would appear distorted and be accounted for by inevitable adjustments in the perceived length of bodies and the passage of time - by and of those on both (or all) differently-moving frames of reference. These differing perceptions worked both ways and hence neither was more valid than the other and neither was a subjective assessment of some more objective, local reality; both perceptions were equally ‘objective’ and real to those inhabiting them. [This may account for the ideas about ageing differently if moving very fast relative to another. and of slower times on clocks moving at different speeds. And, it works thus for both, indeed for 'all', differently-moving, frames.

263.       Later, Einstein would appreciate that the same thing applied to SPACE. The faster one moves away from a meter ruler, the shorter it would appear – it (ie space) would apparently contract. [Consider a giant ground clock with a 10 mile circumference in which the minute hand makes a full circle of 10 miles in one hour (10 mph) as seen by an observer standing nearby on a hill above. But a fast traveller moving away at 90% of the speed of light on a ‘magical’ rocket ship would see the tip of that hand move just one mile (say) in that time (one hour) as noted on his own watch. That is, it says it is only 5 minutes past the hour it started at. Thus both time has slowed and distance (space) has contracted from his point of view (of the ground situation). According to one’s speed, therefore, something may appear to travel a given short distance over an apparent long time in relation to one’s own local timing and measuring instruments (which however, we may recall would not be local to any observer in a distant frame!). But to himself, he appears to be moving at his normal speed, and vice versa. These extreme ‘thought experiments’ were useful to clarify the principles involved but their implications were much more general and significant than applied in such odd cases. The ‘geometric’ variables that had to adjust and were thus identified during Einstein’s imagined tram journey were of course those of time and (later) space.

264.       This variability of time and space (when assessed from 'afar') had of course) been the case all along but was so extremely slight at our normal speeds of everyday life that they were completely obscured. No wonder neither Galileo nor Newton suspected it. But at the extremes of speed, as with or near that of light, this variability would (in theory) become manifest and its reality more obvious. It was at such high speeds that the strange effects allowed a distant observer to see space and time proportionately shortened and slowed to maintain the expected relations as required by the peinciple of relativity. To the faster moving observer, everything would appear as normal locally. The ‘adjustments’ necessary were those as theoretically perceived by any observers not travelling at or near those speeds. For all laws of nature to accord with a principle of relativity, including now that of light’s speed, it was necessary to accept that time and space were variable as perceived by either party of the other – and dependent on the difference in the velocities of (and distances between?) the frames concerned.

265.      Presumably, when Einstein applied his new ideas to his old problem of racing with a light beam, he was now able to appreciate that just as light moved away from him at its one constant speed when he was travelling on the Earth at some very fast if generally unappreciated speed (relative to the Sun, say) even though it may feel as though he was virtually stationary, so it would continue to do so sinilarly no matter at what speed he theoretically moved (whether aware of same or not) even towards that of light. For such speeds were only relative and had no absolute meaning or value; only light's speed moved at one absolute speed! Thus, while his previously imagined speed near to that of light, if really so, would mean the principle of relativity would have been (offended), he was now able to see that it would not have been (offended) by virtue of the variations that actually apply in the associated measures of time and space (when viewed from elsewhere). When bodies move at any relative speed (as perceived by those not so moving), these adjustments still apply (even if slight at slow relative speeds) while those bodies moving along with one locally are not so adjusted, nor is time. This allows all laws of nature, including that of light's speed, to be compattible with the proper principle of relativity and to meet Galileo's original criterion of being unable to differentiate which frame is moving by the measures of any law - whether of mechanics or optics (later coming under the one umberella of electrodynamics).

266.      [I still have a bit of a problem reconciling a theoretical situation in which an observer comes ‘flying’ past the sun at near 186,000 mps just as a giant filter lets a pulse of light through from the Sun. The observer and the pulse both race away towards the Earth at almost the same speed, one would assume, and each takes about 8 minutes to arrive there. Which gets there first ? And how does an Earth bound observer perceive this and how the fast traveller – on (a) their own local watches and (b) the others’ distant watches – with the known distances concerned reducing continuously? I'm sure the answer is revealed somewhere in the foregoing!]

267.       In Newton’s conception, the resultant speed of any object is equal to its initial speed (ie distance travelled per unit time) from an agreed starting point, plus any additional speed given it – as, say, to a bullet fired at 500 mph from a gun out of the window of a train moving at 100 mph. The final speed of the bullet in relation to the embankment would thus be 600 mph. But because the ultimate speed of any object is that of the speed of light, this simple additive calculation has an in-built constraint. Its as thought there must be a proportional ''backup' of this constraint - even if very slight where such speeds are a very small proportion of that of light, and conversely the case at very high speeds. If the train was going at the speed of light, the bullet fired from same would not go 500 mph faster but, rather, would remain at that same speed. At slower train speeds, the bullet would manage to move at its usual speed plus a little below the speed of the train - at least as viewed from outside the train. The amount less would be a proportion of the speed of light which depends on the train's speed. That is, would depend on the ratio of v to c. Thus, even at the normal train speed of 100mph, the final speed of the bullet fired from same (as seen from eleswhere) would be its 500 mph plus some speed a little less than the boost provided by the train's speed (as, say, 99.99997382 mph) giving the final speed of 599.999 etc mph. The same constraint applies to the addition of velocities for all moving objects, whether at slow or very fast speeds. If the bullet was fired from a platform moving at just below the speed of light, its total final speed would be that latter speed plus only a minsicule amount more.

268.       The adjustments which account for these effects are in the variation in the time and distance elements of all motion and speed. Thus space contracts and time slows as a proportional adjustment or accommodation to the ultimate constraint of motion – that of the speed of light. It’s like an invisible ceiling below which everything must make its proportional adjustment, that distant ceiling being less constraining at the slowest speeds but increasingly so as that speed approaches that of light – the ultimate constraint - with its now much nearer ceiling - which will never adjust (upwards). If this effect acted on the motion of objects moving at any and all speed simply by virtue of some such physical downward 'pressure' (due to that rigid ceiling) and being of increasingly less effect as those speeds became less, this explanation would be quite straight forward. But this proportionality is effected by more complex influences. [This factor (the maximum possible speed) as a constraining factor appears to be introduced into the explanations of relativity as a kind of parallel if important adjunct and not as an element that seems to evolve naturally within the argument. It must relate to the symmetry between the perception of speeds of relatively moving frames of reference, neither actually being truly stationary and both of equal ‘merit’; there is no absolute, only relative, motion.]

On Time - 2: Based on Albrecht Folsing's Book.

269.       Like Kaku, Folsing mentions that it was probably on some uncertain date in May 1905 that Einstein visited his good friend Michel Besso to again discuss his perennial problem with him. They apparently discussed every facet of it but could still not resolve it. But unlike Kaku, Folsing doesn’t then mention that on the way home, Einstein had his imaginary journey on the tram during which he gained some crucial insight into the significance of TIME in the resolution of 'the problem'. Instead, he appears to suggest that it was only later that particular evening, at home, that the role of this important factor suddenly materialised, probably based in part on his previous discussions with Besso, and the subsequent storm broke loose in his mind. He does point out however that Einstein later gave various, not always consistent, accounts of that important day. The imagined tram journey certainly fits well into the account of him gaining his vital insight about then (seemingly after his acceptance that the answer to his problem also lay through previously considering the principle of relativity). [Ie Information about time must be by signals (eg of light) which necessarily take time themselves; they're not instantaneous. And any two reference frames involved are symmetric with neither having precedence.]

270.       In any case, while Kaku discusses the problem confronting Einstein primarily in terms of the imagined race with a light beam first considered by Einstein in 1895, aged 16, and the contradictory predictions this threw up as between Newton’s and Maxwell’s theories (ie this was essentially 'the problem' (then), Folsing approaches the matter in terms of a wider and more detailed background. In this, we see that Einstein had considered the matter (the problem?) from all points of view during the period 1900-1905 when he had vascillated from a pro-ether, pro-variability for light’s speed orientation to the very opposite, especially latterly - ie in his quest to resolve 'the problem'. Many discussions ensued with his friends in Berne about this difficulty around 1903-05 including latterly that evening with Michel Besso. And then, that next morning, he greeted Besso with his famous “Thank you, I’ve completely solved the problem: An analysis of the concept of TIME was the solution. Time cannot be absolutely defined (ie as if there was some ultimate 'real' time that we try to discover and which applies everywhere equally)..."..and there is an inseparable relation between (various different local) time(s) and signal velocity”. Such 'different' times would presumably be those on symmetrically* opposed frames of reference both of which are deemed to move equally in relation to the other rather than one being taken as absolutely still and only the other considered to be moving in some absolute sense in relation to it (with only one time or the other deemed to be the 'real', true time as a consequence). [*See discussion of the 'asymmetry' problem below and its apparent relevance to both the principle of relativity and to the variability of Time (and Space).]

271.      One immediately thinks of the soon to be ever-present ratio of v²/c² in the new transformation equations as confirmation of this. There is thus no 'real' time to which we can always adjust our local time - by simply being aware that such as light signals from same always entail some (generally slight) 'lag' in our knowing any such 'real' time. We can however make adjustments vis a vis any local times of others based on differently moving frames of reference by considering what proportion such differences in speed are in relation to the speed of the signals concerned, as, typically, the conveniently constant/reliable speed of light. Just as speed per se of any moving body must adapt proportionally to the upper limit of possible speed, so its constituents, including time, must do so also. Thus, time (and distance) must be relative to (dependent on) that ratio of v to c.

272.      [Note: Einstein equally gave his (related) analysis of simultaneity credit for revealing the answer! Did Einstein's "Thank you..." imply that Besso had contributed that vital 'symmetry' aspect and its crucial implication of the principle of relativity that there was only relative motion and no absolute rest as a reference criterion? Both frames were equally pertinent and neither can take precedence. Time was relative (to difference in one's speed etc.) In any case, replacing absolute, unvaring values of time and space (in some calculation pertaining to that elusive 'problem') with relative ones, solved it. [Also vital seemingly was the recognition of the mutual equivalence and non-precedence of the two or more systems involved in any assessment of motion.] He would later write it all up in terms of a different conception of the problem and thus a different exposition of the answer - one that addressed more specifically that convenient, more economic conception of the problem: that is, in terms of the apparent but incorrect incompatibility between the principle of relativity and the constancy of the speed if light - two principles of laws of nature that somehow had both to be upheld and proven to be mutually compatible (as he eventually appreciated). Something would have to give to accomplish this. Their seeming incompatibility may have been only implicitly recognised by Einstein initially as he sought to manipulate various elements of his problem - before this became more explicit and he could see what had to be done and to find a way to justify 'doing it'! 273.      [We may also note here that even the fastest possible signal – light – must entail a ‘lag’ between an event and the registering of the time of its occurrence by an observer by means of a clock located at the event. There are no 'instantaneous' signals available. Einstein would later stress that there can be no model of the consistent laws by which we, as observers, understand nature that are not based upon the limitations of our actual experience and perceptions. There isn’t a more ‘real’ nature – of superior validity - behind or inaccessible to our own experience. His theory would thus rest confidently upon the limitations of that experience as regards the reality and replicability of our perceptions of local time and space and their utility in understanding and predictably controlling real nature. It is this consistent predictability that justifies this confident stance; his ideas, thus based, proved always to work in practice; they represented our reality, not just a kind of inevitable illusion. But they seemingly did so in terms of 'cross-framework comparisons' only and presumably not within one's own local environment in which so much of our lives unfold. Or did Einstein's new conceptions now apply somehow to everything - ie universally?? This may eventually be discussed - if only ultimately.]

274.       Next, Folsing reviews the concept of Time per se (as formerly conceived) as a preliminary to this latter discovery by Einstein (re its relativity) – ie that it was necessary to raise the deeply held assumption of its absolute nature from the unconscious/subconscious to the conscious (ie in order to get one to think about it and see its possible fallacy). Newton’s view is first described: 'Time is absolute' - but there is nothing to measure it against; it is based on faith and is actually quite arbitrary. Everyday or ‘common’ time on the other hand is relative and is measured (not always accurately) by various methods based on regular motions in the universe. But the concept of true (absolute) time allowed of the idea of there being a ‘now’ that was somehow the same throughout the universe. But Einstein was influenced by reading Mach who said absolute time was only a metaphysical concept of no scientific value. And from his study of Poincare, he saw that while Poincare thought it a convenient convention, in 'La Science et L’Hypothesis' (much read by Einstein and his Berne colleagues apparently), Poincare was more definite that neither absolute time nor simultaneity made sense. There was no real physical basis for assuming that there could be just one (simultaneous) ‘now’ at different places. [It seems to me that there can be such a simultaneous instant - everywhere (in the 'life' of the universe - but that there is simply no way this can ever be be confirmed.]

275. While it might well sound reasonable, it was based as much on hope as anything. [But to say there was no 'now' everywhere' seems just as arbitrary and hopeful??] Poincare had earlier written this up in an essay entitled ‘The Measure of Time’ which was published in 1898 in a philosophical journal nor read by most physicists. In it, importantly, he concluded that before time could be objectively measured, it would have to be more rationally defined – and not in some arbitrary or optimistic manner but in a way that accorded with the simplest forms of the relevant laws of nature in which time played a part. An operational definition based upon our actual experience. It is suggested by Folsing that Einstein very likely obtained a copy of that essay. But because Lorentz had introduced the concept of a ‘local time’ (t’= (t-vx/c2)) - but as a mathematical device only – the idea of Newton’s absolute, true time still remained in his unconscious and so still informed his final theory.

276.       Poincare provided a physical interpretation of Lorentz’s local time in his outline of a method of synchronizing clocks by light signals (the same procedure that Einstein would use later as a vital element in constructing his relativity theory). Such time was that which would apply in referential systems moving at a velocity v relative to the fixed ether. The clocks so regulated were thus believed by Poincare, like Lorentz, to not represent true time but only this/these local time(s) (as a device) to make the maths come out right. They thus remained within the conceptual framework of the mechanical (ether based) model of Lorentz’s theory despite Poincare’s ideas being so close to those that Einstein would perfect within the year - after realizing that this ‘local time’ was in fact the appropriate (and only) time available; there was no other, more 'real', absolute (non-local) time - 'out there'. The synchronizing method revealed the limitations of attempted true (absolute) simultaneity. The two local times – differing according (relative) to differences in the velocity of separated inertial systems - were the real times for each! These earlier readings of Poincare seemed to have prepared Einstein to question the subconscious, unspoken assumptions generally held about an erroneously accepted absolute concept of Time. Thus, he may have said at some point “Let’s assume that time may in fact not be absolute…but…?relative…but to what; in what circumstances?”. He had had many such ‘circumstances’ and ‘arrangements’ moving about in his mind for years in which all the variables pertaining to his problem, including the speed of light, frames of reference, principles of relativity (quite recently), asymmetry problems and moving bodies were being manipulated in various ways. Somewhere in this morass, the ideas of some kind of non-absolute time and space must eventually have fallen into place as the only solution.

277.       While the source or origin of Einstein’s ‘stroke of genius’ regarding Time was not revealed in his famous 1905 paper on Electrodynamics (nor in his 1916 book for the layman), he apparently did touch upon it fairly directly in late 1907 in a publication called the ‘Jahrbuch der Radioaktivitat’. “It turned out, surprisingly, he said, that it was only necessary to (re-)define the time concept precisely enough to overcome ‘the difficulty’ (ie to which the supposed absolute nature of time had contributed) - ie the incompatibility issue centred on the constancy of the speed of light as a law of nature which should therefore comply with the universal dictates of the (later elaborated) principle of relativity. For that concept of absolute time had allowed light's constancy to remain incompatible with the principle of relativity. All it needed was the realization (based on what!?) that the auxiliary term introduced by Lorentz called ‘local time’ should be defined as the Time, pure and simple”. From this firmer base, it was possible to calculate any distant, moving time by appropriate equations. This would somehow overcome (at least mathematically) the problem of the requirements of the principle of relativity not being otherwise met in Lorentz’s theory. Ironically, was it not Lorentz's method also (and earlier) simply to choose the length and time values 'precisely enough' to account just for Michelson's failure' ?? For Einstein, 'precisely enough' were the values calculated for time and space that just allowed the velocities of any moving body (including light) effectively to fit proportionally into the available space of possible velocities. [Note: the qualification 'effectively' is significant here; the exact 'mechanism' by which this process comes about is actually more precisely described in terms of the necessary time delay in conveying the information required. See later.]

278.      But rather than just ‘using’ this device to this end, Einstein realized that the quantitative adjustment it made related precisely to the effect that the difference in velocity of the reference systems concerned (as a proportion of the speed of light) had on the magnitude of time’s actual real measurement from a given frame of reference. By holding the speed of light to its one allowed constant speed even if perceived/measured from elsewhere when it had the supposed (but actually non-existent) boost from a moving origin/frame, the value of time (and space) had to adjust proportionally. If that adjusted time was applied, then the true constancy of light's speed would equally be concluded. [This may have been based on the variables used by Michelson in 1887, including the velocity of the Earth and the distances the light covered, etc.] Time was thus defined to always be of the (?malleable) magnitudes needed to maintain the one possible value of c whatever were the magnitude of v (and thus of the variables x, y, z and t (or x', y', z', t') involved - thus serving to overcome the problem exactly in any and all situations - ie generally. He could later derive a similar adjustment regarding the equally 'malleable' contraction of space from this new conception of Time. Both would contribute (or be made malleable) equally. [But these new conceptions simply state what the new values of time and space must be (on this basis); they don't explain why or how they come to be such !! What is the mechanism ? Symmetric perceptual anomalies or...??]

279.       With no absolute time (or space), the problem regarding measures of light's speed proving inconsistent with our traditional measures of the (much slower) speed of all other bodies when observed from differently-moving platforms - ie via Galilean transformations associated with the original principle of relativity - disappears when we realize that those latter speeds were wrongly premised on absolute time and distance. They should (apparently) have been based instead on variable such measures - as implicit in the new transformations (as Lorentz advanced on different premises) in which Einstein realized time and space must be variable in order for light's speed to accord with the proper principle of relativity - one based on the variable time and space that was always the case (ie when viewing 'faster'-moving frames - as we can't assume their times and distances are the same as our local ones). We must 'adjust' them in terms of the constraints imposed by the constancy of light's speed and on the time that information of the other's time takes to arrive at the other reference frame.]

280.       Einstein thus ‘saw’ that the time as seen locally was the only valid, reliable time available and that, because of the symmetry of relative motion, any other local times as perceived by those in other frames of reference were just as valid there – there being no other ‘ultimate, absolute or ‘real’ time - or space - (that better governed some kind of ‘real’ absolute motion and speed) – ‘somewhere out there’ - in terms of which those local times and distances might somehow be more appropriately interpreted. It was always 'only relative'. By 1916, he offered another view: “…the difficulty was due to the arbitrary nature of the basic kinematic concepts…” (ie time and space). That is, it was due to simply assuming (arbitrarily) that they were absolute in all circumstances - based on some kind of unquestioned ‘face validity’ or even faith. As in the preceding explanation, he replaced this with a non-arbitrary, defined concept – one which he could justify on more rational grounds. He once also said that he found his solution (ie on that May evening in 1905) “..by means of an analysis of the time concept” (and ideas re symmetry - each coordinate system being of equal merit and validity regarding the operations of all natural laws). And finally, in 1924, he added that “By means of a revision of the concept of simultaneity (and thus of time) into a ‘shapeable’ (or ‘malleable’) form (by stipulating that the speed of light must be taken as a constant), I arrived at the theory of relativity”.

281.       The terms ‘shapable’ and ‘malleable’ are of course not very scientific or mathematical but one may assume that they signify that the time on the clocks, so defined, were in effect dependent on the relative speeds of their coordinate systems as perceived/measured/recorded from outside themselves while the time taken for light to travel any given distance must always remain the same. With that set time having to 'hold fast' (at its extreme end of the motion continuum), all other times for the lesser speeds of all other moving bodies would necessarily be perceived as of proportionally varying magnitudes; that is, between that fastest possible speed (or shortest time per distance) for light and, at the other extreme, the slowest speeds (and longest times per distance) for all other moving (or non-moving?) bodies (as proportions of the speed of light) as percived in their own frames of reference. They were thus 'variable' and relative - to those speed differences, if any, and so depended on or from which 'base' one was perceiving one's own or others' speeds of moving bodies.

282.      The magnitudes of time and of space are thus assumed to vary according to the respective velocity differences of the inertial systems (bases) concerned (vis a vis that of light); they may be thought of as being thus ‘moulded’ into either very short or long magnitudes, say, so depending - ie as being ‘malleable’ – at least as viewed by those in the other reference system, not in one’s own. Equally, as he has said himself 'all he had to do was select the 'local time' of Lorentz which best fitted (was 'shaped to') the needs of the transformation equations - for they somehow were appropriate for both of the contrasting purposes for which they had been derived. I believe, Einstein would later say that this was because they both reflected the same underlying theory of electrodynamics arising out of Maxwell theory. He already had such a local time of course - as arose from his 'insight'. The extent to which time and space would be affected quantitatively were, it seems, suggested by the values previously concluded by Lorentz. But anything more precise and revealing was never stated by Einstein. Thus time and space become 'malleable' to allow the speed of light to remain 'rigid'. (Or was it to keep the moving bodies 'rigid' and so not 'really' contract and something comparable re time not 'really' dilating - only appearing (to some to do so?)

283.      [Note: In his 1920 book (see below), Einstein makes a case that by putting the question as to what answer would one need in order that the incompatibility is exactly neutralised (ie such that the extent of the velocity difference between the two relevant frames no longer provides an invalid result when new transformations so determined are applied) and implies that the answer is readily derived thereby. I think that the path to this conclusion was, at least initially, less straightforward than this might suggest. Apparently, he found that the Lorentz transformations provided him with the correct answers (?ca 1903) and all he had to do was find a more reasonable basis for the new variable forms of time and space that must apparently result! He thus had the quantitative answer he needed but not yet the qualitative basis for it (eg the lag in signals as concluded from his tram journey, etc)? The (?perceived) quantities based on that would presumably depend on the difference in the speeds of the two reference systems involved as a proportion of the maximum possible speed (that of light). Lorentz would have arrived at values that fitted his analysis of Michelson's results but would have generalized these for all situations presumably and Einstein would have had this as a model to arrive at the same values but from his more realistic (?valid) conception of what was really the basis of such transformations.

284.      We can thus only surmise that the crucial breakthrough came after his discussions with Besso about symmetry coupled with his imagined tram journey later that same evening. Folsing suggests the following may have been relevant to his discussions with Besso: “They likely had before them one of Poincare’s papers about the synchronization of clocks producing the equivalent of Lorentz’s ‘local time’. Both his 1904 paper on’ The State and Future of Mathematical Physics’ as read in St Louis, and his related contribution to Lorentz’s ‘Festschrift’, were known by Einstein. This procedure may well have included some aspect not utilised by Poincare that Einstein saw as relevant to his analysis (lacking an ether and accepting c). Being by this date sceptical about absolute time, they may thus have focused on Poincare’s (?dilated) ‘local time’ as derived from his procedure in synchronizing separated clocks (and being virtually the same idea as advanced by Lorentz) and examined it for any validity as a replacement for the so called absolute, true time that increasingly they couldn’t accept. While this would give a different time for every inertial system, such a result would mean that the constancy of the velocity of light for any observer (however moving) would be inherent in Poincare’s definition of simultaneity rather than be more ‘forcibly’ accounted for or brought about by the use of Lorentz’s unreal mathematical device or adjustment. To consider it as such a replacement, they (or Einstein on his own that evening) must have become more convinced about the validity of each observer’s perception of the world being as meaningful and valid as that of those moving relatively to the other(s) – with both (all) being equally valid. That is, no one had primacy, nor therefore did any one frame of reference. Local time was the only time available on which to base a science of nature. Valid conclusions about the laws of nature and its outcomes could only be based upon such defined local times - varied as needed whenever unknown times elsewhere needed to be calculated (as seemingly they would often have to be).

285.      Lorentz had of course also introduced the idea of a contraction in the length of any body travelling (in that direction) through the ether. This too was required to make the results of such as Michelson’s experiment account of the seeming constancy of light (when, I believe, they still believed it should vary in that arrangement). [If they didn’t still believe this, I need another means to account for why they justified such contraction.] The fruitfulness of what Folsing calls Einstein’s ‘exceedingly daring idea’ about Time (it was after all, still an hypothesis, as were other aspects of his theory) seems to have occurred to him later that evening when he ‘easily derived Lorentz’s assumed contraction effect from his newly revised concept of time without any further assumptions’ (ie about the influence of charged particles, etc). [Clearly, as with the modification of Time, Einstein appreciated that there was always something about the constancy of the speed of light that, to meet the dictates of the principle of relativity, required both Time and Space to ‘adjust’ (be relative to….) – but not in the ways which Lorentz had suggested – as dictated by his insistence on a fixed ether, absolute concepts of time and space and apparently some variability in light's speed vis a vis an ether. But in Einstein's conception, the bodies were taken as being 'rigid' and didn't 'shrink in any physical sense. Length and distance, like time, were relative concepts and their perceived (and 'real') magnitudes would be dependent on other factors (of perception?).]

286.       He was thus now able to provide the exact transformations for both Time and Space needed to account for the different results arising in different inertial systems, with light’s speed proving constant and an upper limit of any velocity. Of more technical relevance, he would (says Folsing) have probably then examined the behaviour of the Maxwell-Lorentz equations under his new transformations. Would they be invariant despite light’s constancy? Yes! And finally, he found that another independent hypothesis introduced by Lorentz to meet certain mathematical outcomes – the Lorentz force’ – also resulted when his new transformations were applied. His new theory thus accounted for a more comprehensive principle of relativity - that accommodated the constancy of light as a valid law of nature, for Maxwellian theory and for Lorentz’s otherwise poorly-founded (if arithmetically accurate) transformations. Everything came together perfectly. Einstein told colleagues that “my joy was indescribable”. A truly new electrodynamics (indeed physics) had been born that night in May 1905. He wrote it all up during June that year and, according to his son Hans later, he then went to bed for a fortnight! It was published in September 1905 and gradually filtered through the international physics community over the next two to three years.

287.       Folsing continues by introducing some of the factors that were associated with Einstein’s sudden insight into the importance of a better definition of time to replace the long unquestioned and rather arbitrary one of the absolute time (and space) asserted by Newton). After this fairly general introduction to these factors (which continues below), he later goes into greater detail as to their apparent timing and inter-connections. Having (1) discounted any role for the ether around 1903/4, and (2) accepting about that same time that the speed of light was after all probably an invariable constant, Einstein seems to have then focused on (3) the role that some sought after general principle (possibly with its (4) symmetry implications) may play in (5) his new ideas about simultaneity and time (following "one simply had to re-define time to equate to Lorentz's local time"). It may also have helped overcome the need for a fixed reference system as provided for other theorists by the assumed ether, which he had abandoned. In any case, any new conception of time would resolve 'the problem' to the extent that he appreciated that it was a problem because such considerations had always used absolute, unvarying values for time and space. These must have entered into his calculations regarding the seeming incompatibilty as between a constant speed for light and the more general application of the principle of relativity to encompass that apparent truth.

288.       His new ideas on Time appear to have arisen in part out of Poincare addressing the problem of Lorentz having no rational explanation about the need to 'adjust' a local time measure in his earlier analysis. Poincare approached this matter in terms of an analysis of simultaneity of an event as perceived by those in different frames of reference (I believe). [But why?] The demands of the principle of relativity may have been a consideration as well. For he and Besso had been discussing a related problem regarding the asymmetry of current induction which related in turn to ideas about a fixed reference system (as the ether). That principle proclaimed there was no such special, fixed platform; the view from each was of equivalent validity. He must have soon realised that the view he would have of the ‘frozen’ town clock time on his imagined tram journey would be the same as any ground-based observer would have of Einstein’s own clock time as he sped away at such a speed. For two such observers to establish some agreed (or defined) common time at which some event occurred - ie 'simultaneously' (as just when the clock hands showed them both that it was 11.00 o'clock or how long some event took), they would have to exchange information as to their own respective times and could only do so by sending signals which informed each other about these. As can be appreciated however, if they are not only at different locations but are moving relative to one another, this becomes very difficult. It must have been at this point that Einstein considered Lorentz’s idea of a ‘local time’ as well as Poincare ideas on simultaneity and his reference to a principle of relativity; those on differently moving platforms would have equivalent or symmetrical perceptions of each others position. Several such inter-connected ideas were thus coming into play at about the same time. As Einstein said later “a torrent of ideas were unleashed in my mind” after that imagined tram journey had triggered the ideas about the apparent relativity of time (and space) and so broke the 'log jam'. His step 5 conclusion then had a crucial 'mechanism' - as a step 6 - by which such a necessary new conception of the magnitudes of time (as so concluded) could actually come about (be accounted for) - by some reasonable mechanism.

289.      From Galileo’s original conception of the principle of relativity (by whatever name it was then called), Einstein knew that it was not possible by observing natural phenomena (ie pre-light speed considerations) in a closed-off moving frame of reference to determine whether one was (apparently) moving or not (ie relative to something apparently stationary) or moving the slower or faster. Hence, in theory, the observer on the tram and the one on the ground could be equally viewed as the one moving away from the other at some enormous speed. Moreover, even if one was moving at near the speed of light relative to the other, all natural phenomena should continue to appear as normal since the speed, if smooth and uniform, has according to the principle of relativity (and its inertial basis) no effects on outcomes of such activities occuring in either environment. [But would this apply also to such activities if they concerned the one thing in the universe that didn't manifest a change in its measured effects in response to any such activities? That is, the speed of light. If one had an hypothesis that said that this one motion would not be affected, how would the principle of relativity still hold and should it necessarily always hold? In cross-system comparisons, the velocity of the 'others' system wouldn't - just for light - be added to that of light, to calculate the final outcomes. 'Neutralising' the extent of this 'failure' - ie to match the traditional expectations of all other such motions - required something 'to give'; ie for time (and distance (velocity) to be 'shaped' to fit the dictates of that unyielding speed of light.]

290.      In order that the timing of any event in either frame of reference make sense in their respective environments, it was thus necessary to accept the ‘local time’ of each which may well not be the same (one just doesn't know and we can't, said Einstein, assume they are, as Newton claimed). Both are equally valid and neither can be viewed as more of an ‘artifact’ than the other. The concept of simultaneity (and rime) must therefore be ‘malleable’ enough to accommodate the reality of both situations with equal validity. There is thus no one ‘absolute’ time - only the respective and real ‘local times’. So time must be defined accordingly – as ‘relative’ to the speeds each reference frame is moving in relation to (and observed by?) any others. Local, relative, malleable times are thus the real times, not any absolute time (which doesn’t exist) and this 'adjustment' would turn out to be one of the the variables which 'must give'. The local time of each coordinate system is an isolated reality to itself and can not be communicated to ‘elsewhere’ except by time-requiring signals – albeit very fast and reliable ones such as light.

291.       Time (as we have already reiterated above) is not absolute and constant in nature – always the same everywhere as formerly believed - but only exists as a human conception for one's needs - whether locally or at a distance and is thus relative (to one’s speed) and so variable. It was this variability that allowed the awkward constancy of light's speed to prove compatible with the dictates of the principle of relativity [these should be set out here or nearby again]; ie by always interpreting the latter in terms of the variability, not constancy (absoluteness), of time and space. This would (and always had) apply to all moving bodies, and the more so, the faster they moved relative to any comparison frame. [We could ask, therefore, what time Newton would say it was in Berne if he had accompanied Einstein on his tram journey but hadn't known what the time was when they left there? Or, vice versa. Would he say that time was or was not dependent on signal velocity when comparing times on differently moving frames of reference? And how would he establish if two events in different locations, possibly moving (or measured by those) at different speeds, occurred at the same instant (ie be simultaneous)?

292.       Einstein's conclusions were still in the realm of theory and were assumed to be revealed only through the amplification possible in an imagined speed near that of light. At slower speeds, such effects (in 'cross-system' comparisons) would still be the case (thus the term 'traditionally' above) but proportionally very much less; they would never have become apparent with normal measuring equipment and a lack of concern about the anomalies of the behaviour of light. Other tests of the theory would nevertheless still have to be applied, later. [This seems to anticipate contraction, time dilation, etc.]

293.       The relevance of the matter of simultaneity is shown in a discussion about the problem of establishing that two events that occur at two different locations do so at the same instant (or not) - such 'sameness' being judged/determined by ...? [And/or that one event occurs at a mutually agreed common time.] To establish this, it is necessary to synchronise the local clocks at the two places. When properly understood, this is a problem that must lead to a profound change in a practical definition of time (which in turn is basic to appreciating how light can meet the requirements of the principle of relativity without the need for a fixed ether medium or reference system). To effect such synchrony, it is useful to use the fastest possible signals and, to be reliable and valid, they should also be of constant speed between the two locations. To Einstein, light alone fulfilled these criteria. [To see details about this, it may be necessary to read that part of Einstein’s paper, as Folsing doesn’t seem to cover this; although see later. One wishes to see more clearly how analysing the simultaneity issue contributes to understanding the relativity of time per se and why it was thought best (or only) approached from that particular point of view.]

294.      It may be useful to switch about here from Folsing's analysis of Einstein's ideas on Time to an exposition by Einstein himself of similar material - as written for the lay reader in his 1920 book - in its Sections 8 and 9. [This is covered as well in paragraphs 434-440 below and may thus be removed unless it contains anything considered more useful.] In this, his procedure to synchronize clocks in a frame of reference ‘at rest’ again entails the use of light signals between locations A and B, but instead of stipulating that the time for same will be the same as it takes for a return journey back to B, he does so for two halves of the distance – from A to a mid-point C and from B back to that same mid-point. His frame of reference in this latter case is a straight railway embankment ‘at rest’ on the (albeit moving) Earth. By this means, as in the earlier version, he thereby ‘sets’ the clocks at B (and C) to be synchronous with that at A. The time of any event is then given reliably by the reading of the clock in its locality near any of these points. Local time (on the Earth) has thus been so defined. Our interpretation of the events of our experience must rely on such defined times; there are no other, more valid, 'real', universal times out there to utilize.

295.      He continues this setting but will include a train travelling at a constant velocity v along the rails parallel and immediately next to that embankment (as though they’re virtually the same line). Events that occur on the train will be in relation to the moving train as its reference frame. The definition of simultaneity and of time can be established just as for the embankment. He then asks whether two events which occur simultaneously at points A and B as viewed on the embankment (as defined above) are also simultaneous when viewed relative to the train (ie by those moving with it)? We imagine that when the events at A and B occur, the mid-point between them at C on the embankment corresponds with the mid-point C’ on the moving train (for just that instant), as do those of A and B on the train and embankment. While the light from A and B travel towards the stationary observer at C at the same speed and thus reach him at the same moment (do we ignore the Earth's speed vis a vis the Sun (say) for this reasoning?), observer at C’ is moving with the train towards B and away from A. Thus the light from B reaches him before that from A does. The events at A and B are thus seen as simultaneous by observer at C on the embankment but are not seen as such by the observer at C’ on the train. To him, the event at B occurred before that at A. [But can he not make due allowance for these factors (assuming he knows them)? Possibly, but is that not what is now taken care of by the new transformation equations?]

296.      Thus events that are simultaneous in relation to one reference system may not be (or appear?) simultaneous with respect to a different reference system with which it is in relative motion and vice versa. This is called the relativity of simultaneity. Given that there is no absolutely stationary reference frame (as a still ether), there can be no absolute simultaneity – only that due to equal reference systems in relative motion – with neither having any means of taking precedence over the other. The reality and primacy of each is symmetrical and equal. This is a very important point. Either can be equally considered as moving or as ‘still’ with respect to all other meaningful physical processes – neither is in fact really still; both are moving relatively to one another and to all other frames of reference in the universe (eg the Sun, the Earth, the stars, etc.) and they to ours. We have to build up our model of reality - of the nature of the universe – from our only available, differently-moving reference systems - with laws that apply validly and equally in all (ie symmetrically). Thus, every reference frame has its own particular time and without knowing the frame to which physical events refer and its relative motion, there is no meaning to statements about the time of that event – there being no universal time of one constant magnitude. It is always of some variable magnitude depending on the relative motion of its reference. The same applies to dimensions over space in the direction of the motion concerned. [Does this mean that even on one's own frame, time and space can not be considered effectively constant or 'absolute'...or maybe 'almost'?]

297.      The significance of the foregoing conclusion is that it explains why discarding the concept of an absolute time and accepting instead the idea of a natural definition of relative simultaneity (and of relative time), provided the means by which the seeming conflict between the principle of relativity and of the constancy of the speed of light disappears. They are, by means of a relative time (and space) now mutually compatible and thus both valid, given this reality of there being only relative time and space - ?always dependent on differences in the speed of the reference frame of the observer/measurer and that in or from which the body concerned moves.

298.      This completes our summary of Kaku's and Folsing's interpretations of Einstein's ideas on Time (with some comment plus Einstein's simultaneity discussion). A more general account of the 1905 paper by Folsing, which may provide a different slant on certain aspects of the Kinematic Part in particular can be found at paragraphs 350 to 390 below. We now address the 2nd Part of Einstein's 1905 paper - on Electrodynamics (which Folsing may or may not also cover in that general account later).

299.      In Part II of the main 1905 paper, Einstein essentially shows how the kinematic laws of his theory as deduced in Part I above (some say the major contribution) apply - not only to the mechano-dynamics of moving bodies but in particular to their electro-dynamics - in Sections 6 to 10. Where classical mechanics had in the past arrived at certain conclusions with respect to the motion of fast moving bodies such as electrons, ions, electromagnetic forces and even light itself, it did so under the tacit assumption that their respective velocities were of potentially unlimited magnitudes, as the time and space measures underlying same were assumed to be essentially absolute. But the theory of special relativity has shown that such conclusions should now be re-calculated under conditions in which the velocities (v) concerned must be recognised as being proportionally constrained in their potential magnitudes and more correctly represented in terms of the ratio v/c. This would reveal various new conclusions in those aspects of physics in which the theory would prove relevant. Part II on Electrodynamics would thereby lead us (via considerations of such as light's Aberration, the Doppler effect and Electron motion), to the concepts of momentum, mass and energy as now seen in relativistic rather than classical terms. Such considerations would in turn also lead to the famous equation E = mc². In this regard, we shall examine Einstein's subsequent, shorter paper of 1905 (on Inertia and Energy) - which follows directly from the latter sections on Electrodynamics. (His 1911 paper (on Gravitation and Light) will also be considered - as an apparent preliminary to his more General theory.) We shall then consider Einstein's 1920 book on Relativity - both Special and General - written essentially for the lay reader. That covering special relativity will, amongst other things, provide a less technical overview of the same Electrodynamic aspects which underlie the derivation of that important equation concerning Energy and Mass.

Section 6 On the Relativity of Electromagnetic Field Equations.

300.      In this first section of Part II, two related and fundamental topics concerning the dependence of the effects on electric and magnetic forces of the state of motion of the relevant system of coordinates are covered - viz: The Transformation of the Maxwell-Hertz Equations for Empty Space.   and    The Nature of the Electromotive Forces Occuring in a Magnetic Field During Motion.

The phenomena of Doppler's principle, of Bradley's abberation and the dynamics of the slowly accelerated electron are then subsequently covered in the following sections (7 to 10) of this Part - presumably because the effects of special relativity on these phenomena relate ultimately to such effects on the more fundamental conditions of the electromagnetic fields and forces concerned - as covered in this present section. [We may note that while Einstein's paper essentially concerns 'moving bodies', this section deals essentailly with the wave-like 'field forces' which are involved in the velocity of light which may be considered as one such 'body' (ie as any moving phenomena). For light was eventually conclude to have both wave and particle-like properties in that it was emitted in discrete if minute packets of waves (photons) - which are almost instantly accelerated up to the speed c. While considered as a body of present concern, other forces (and associated energies) would be similarly involved and required in accelerating other very small bodies (as electrons and ions) of various mass values up to slightly lesser speeds.

Einstein first considers in this present section how the six electrodynamic field equations of Maxwell-Hertz (which pertain to the inter-actions of the independent electric and magnetic forces which constitute such fields) may be interpreted in terms now of the special theory. They are considered in the first instance to hold true in their original form for a stationary system K (when relativity considerations are less germane) - where X, Y, Z denote the vector of the electric force and L, M, N the same for the magnetic force; ie as shown as:

301. But, if and because we may now wish to refer the electromagnetic processes considered to a different system K' of coordinates moving relative to K, with a velocity v, we must then apply the transformations of special relativity (which recognised the role of the ratio of v/c rather than v alone). The six equations then become (rather more complex...but at least simplified by replacing the term 1 / sq rt 1 - v²/c² (by which v is effectively so transformed) with the symbol B - as follows:

302. The principle of relativity requires that if the Maxwell equations for empty space (ie a vacuum in which an electrodynamic field is assumed to have been established) hold good in any system K, then, by the principle of relativity, they must also hold good in systems K', K'', etc that are moving uniformly relative to system K (or indeed vice versa). This is apparently tantamount to saying that 'the vectors of the electrical and magnetic forces - x', y', z' and l', m', n' - of the moving system K' [which are defined by their potential ponderomotive effects on electric charge or magnetic masses, respectively (just as they were themselves instigated/engendered by relevant sources in stars, flames, incandescent filaments, etc)], satisfy the following equations:

303. It is then concluded that the two systems of equations found for moving system K' must express exactly the same things since both systems are equivalent to the Maxwell ones for system K. By further algebraic manipulations and certain assumptions, Einstein concludes that the various vectors of one system (eg K) relate to those of the other system if not identically (as in the cases of x' = x and l' = l where velocity considerations are apparently not relevant) then as functions of the other in terms of the usual ratio v/c of the transformations (rather than just v), where such a consideration is relevant).

304. How to interpret the meaning of these 'force-vector' equations involved in the electric and magnetic fields which reflect the measurement and perception of actual electromagnetic effects (as light?) from the point of view of a moving reference frame ? To answer this, Einstein suggests that (theoretically) we 'let a point charge of electricity (as an electron?) have the magnitude 'one' when measured in stationary system K. As such, it would exert a force of one dyne upon an equal quantity of electricity at a distance of one cm therein. By the principle of relativity this charge would/should also be of the magniitude 'one' when measured in (from the viewpoint of) the moving system K'. If this quantity of electricity is at rest relative to system K then by definition the vector x, y, z is equal to the force acting upon it. If the quantity of electricity is at rest relative to moving system K' at the relevant instant, then the force then acting upon it, measured in the moving system, would be equal to the vector x', y', z'. The first 3 equations above would thus represent the following: 'If a 'point-body' of unit charge is in motion in an electromagnetic field, there will act upon it both its own electric force and an 'electromotive force' which is equal to the vector product of the velocity of the charge and the magnetic force, divided by the velocity of light.'

305. Einstein also re-states this interpretation of the 3 equations in a seemingly more contemporary (ca 1905) form thus: 'If a point-body' of unit charge is in motion in an electromagnetic field, the force acting upon it is equal to the electric force which is present in the locality of the charge which force we ascertain by transformation of the field to a system of co-ordinates at rest relative to the electric charge.' He notes that 'the analogy' holds equally with respect to the 'magnetomotive forces' (which are presumably always associated with the electromotive ones). [The electric and magnetic forces engender (and re-engender) one another after being instigated at some source but whether either must 'come first' (thus implying a kind of precedence for that one and thus a kind of dependent consequence (albeit inevitable associate) status for the other, I'm unaware.] Einstein notes that the electromotive (and magnetomotive?) force(s) play(s) 'merely' the part(s) of (an) auxilliary concept(s) in the developed theory which owes its (their) introduction to the circumstance that electric and magnetic forces are dependent upon (and do not exist independently of) the state of motion of the system of coordinates. Finally, he refers back to the opening statement of his 1905 paper here when noting that the asymmetry questioned there in regard to the current produced by the relative motion of a magnet and/or a conductor is now further clarified and questions as to the 'seat' of electrodynamic motive forces do not now arise.'

Section 7. On the theories of Doppler's Effect and Bradley's Aberration.

306. Einstein is now in a position to re-consider the actions of electromagnetic waves on certain known if not always fully understood phenomena, if and where relativity transformations now be appreciated as relevant. Thus, if we imagine that in the stationary system K as described in 6 above there is a distant source of electromagnetic waves (eg as star light) and that the system's coordinates' origin is itself in an isolated part of space, the force vectors (X, Y, Z and L, M, N) (which seem to act as a form of momentum on some object - to which its energy may be transferred) define the amplitude of those waves and may be represented by the following 6 equations:

where: theta = velocity(w x [t-1/c(lx + my + nz] and l, m, n represent the direction cosines of the associated wave-normals).

307. What then is their constitution (form) as viewed instead by an observer at rest in a moving system K' ? By applying the transformation equations concluded in 6 above for the electric and magnetic forces, and those found in Section 3 earlier (see paragraphs ..... which should be reviewed in detail), we would obtain directly the six transformed equations:

where theta' = w'[t - 1/c(l'x' + m'y' + n'x')] and w' = wB(1 - lv/c), l' = l-v/c/1-lv/c, m' = m/B(1=lv/c and n' = n/B(1-lv/c).

308. From the above equation for the K' velocity component w', it follows that if an observer is moving with velocity v relative to an infinitely distant source of light (as a star) of frequency f:v, that frequency - as perceived by the observer (f:v') - is given by the equation:

(if, that is, we assume that that the observer is moving such that the line connecting the source to the observer makes an angle theta with the direction of the moving observer referred to a system of coordinates which is at rest relative to the source of light). This equation then represents the Doppler principle (effect) for any velocities whatever. When the value of theta is 0, the equation simplifies to:

309. [The Doppler effect is of course experienced when any wave form (as due to sound or light) approaches an observer (or vice versa) at a given velocity such that the time taken for the successive waves to reach thr observer (or measuring instrument) is increasingly reduced accordingly. This results in the perceived/measured frequency of the waves continuing to increase from the level emitted at its source. If the source moves away from the observer (or vice versa) the converse effect on the frequency is experienced.] The precise extent of these effects when so viewed/measured will depend upon the v to c ratio (as shown above) rather than just on v alone (as assumed in the past presumably) - if we accept that the observer is in a differently moving reference frame than the source of the waves. We may note, says Einstein, that when f:v = -c, f:v' = infinity. (This is apparently in contrast with the more customary view).

Bradley's Aberration.

310. If we call the angle between the wave-normal (direction of the light ray) in the moving system and the connecting line between source and observer 'theta', the equation for l' assumes the form

This equation expresses 'the law of aberration' in its most general form. If theta = 1/2 pi, the equation becomes simply:

[Aberration occurs when the (?transverse) motion of an observer on Earth seeks to establish the position of a distant star by means of a telescope when that position is effectively 'offset' by virtue of the starlight concerned striking the approaching wall of the telescope before it reaches the observer's retina and is thus 'misperceived'. This may be corrected by adjusting the angle of the telescope as required.]

311. In any case, we still have to find the amplitude of the waves, as they appear in the moving system. If we call the amplitude of the electric or magnetic force A or A', respectively (depending on whether it is measured in the stationary or in the moving system), we obtain:

If theta = 0, this simplifies to:

Einstein adds that we may deduce from the above that 'to an observer approaching the source of light at the speed of light (c), that source must appear of infinite intensity'. Why he points this out here (and has considered both the Doppler effect and Aberration above, I trust will be revealed subsequently.

Section 8. a. Transformation of the Energy of Light Rays. and b. Theory of the Pressure of Radiation Exerted on Perfect Reflectors.

a. 312. If the wave amplitude is divided by 8 pi (ie by about 25) it will equal the energy of the light per unit of its volume in the stationary system. By the principle of relativity, the amplitude as viewed in the moving system would thus be A'²/8 pi. The ratio of these two amplitudes A'²/A² would reflect that of the energy of light in the two systems - moving and stationary - for a given volume of light. But, is the volume the same in the two situations ? Apparently not. Light from a central source spreads out in all directions equally such that at its periphery it effectively forms an expanding spherical surface - like a fast swelling balloon. In the stationary system K, no light energy passes through that outer boundary (surface) - since it expands at the speed of light (c). Such a surface (R²)would thus permanently enclose the same light complex, with its original energy. We may enquire as to the situation when viewed in the moving system K' - when the shape of the expanding 'sphere' would in fact become an ellipsoid. The equation for its surface (R'²) now becomes much more complex than that for the true sphere - with full representation of the ratio of v/c now incorporated. If S is the volume of the sphere, and S' that of the ellipsoid, then by a simple calculation we find that the ratio of these two volumes (and surface areas?)

We then consider the light energies E and E' enclosed within the two expanding surfaces (as viewed/measured within the stationary and moving systems, respectively. Their ratio (E'/E) would equal A'²S'/A² and this in turn equals:

We may note that, remarkably, the frequency (see above) and the energy of a light complex thus vary according to the motion of the observer - in accordance with the same quantitative law.

b. 313. In this sub-section, light waves, as those described in Section 7 above, are considered to be reflected from a perfect reflecting surface (mirror) in order to determine the 'pressure of such light' on that surface and the direction, frequency and intensity of same. Why we seek this, at this point, is not addressed seemingly. The light to be reflected has the characteristics (or properties) of amplitude (A), frequency (f) and incidence theta - as referred to system K. When viewed from system K' the corresponding quantities are: A' = A[(1 - cos theta)(v/c) / sq rt (1 - v²/c². ]
cos theta = cos theta - v/c / (1 - cos theta)(v/c) and
f' = f(1 - cos theta)(v/c) / sq rt 1 - v²/c² .

For the reflected light, referring the process to system K', we obtain

Finally, by transforming back to the stationary system K, we obtain for the reflected light 3 rather complex equations for these basic characteristics (variables) of our light rays: ie their Amplitude, Incidence and Frequency:

[these to come if required]

The energy (as measured in the stationary system K) which is incident upon a unit area of the mirror in unit time is thereby calculated to be:

the energy leaving per unit of mirror surface per unit time is then:

314. The difference between these two levels of energy represents, by the principle of relativity, the work done by the pressure of light per unit time. If we take this work as being equal to the product of the pressure of the light (P) and its frequency (f) - ie work = P.f - then the pressure of light is:

To a first approximation and in agreement with experiment, this equates to

Einstein notes that 'all problems in the optics of moving bodies can be solved by the method shown above. What is essential is that the electric and magnetic 'force' of the light (its ?pressure...or ?momentum) which is influenced by a moving body (this needs clarifying; how influenced?) be transformed into a system of coordinates at rest relative to the moving body (ie moving with it). By this means, all problems in the optics of moving bodies (including Doppler and Aberration seemingly) will be reduced to a series of problems in the optics of stationary bodies'.

Section 9. Transformation of the Maxwell-Hertz Equations when Convection Currents are taken into account.

. 315. This section begins with another set of the famous 6 field equations - again in calculus format - pertaining to the force vectors X, Y, Z and L, M, N - with the time (t), speed of light (c) and coordinates x, y and z all represented, as are the density of the electricity (p) and the velocity (u) of the charges concerned. Einstein notes that if we imagine the electric charges to be invariably coupled to small rigid bodies (as ions and electrons), then these 6 equations represent the electromagnetic basis of the Lorentzian electrodynamics and optics of moving bodies. If such equations are valid in a stationary system K, they may be transformed with the assistance of the transformation equations given in sections 3 and 6 to the moving system K'. They are then represented by another set of 6 field equations (in calculus form) with ample representation of our usual relativity ratio v²c² and its cousin u.v/c² where, from the theorem of the addition of velocities, the vectors u = the velocity of the electric charge (and p, which is also relevant here, = the density of the electricity), as shown above. With the vectors u representing the velocities of the electric charge when measured in system K', we have the proof, states Einstein, that on the basis of our kinematic principles (of relativity) the electrodynamic foundations of Lorentz's theory of the electrodynamics of moving bodies is in agreement with the principle of relativity [and thus, I imagine, that theory is equally (and probably better) accounted for (ie with fewer ad hoc hypotheses) by Einstein's theory of special relativity (and thus probably better represents reality].

316. Finally, Einstein adds that an important law may be deduced from the foregoing equations. This is that 'when an electrically charged particle in motion in space has a given charge when regarded (viewed/measured) from its (own) moving system K', that charge does not change if and when regarded from a stationary system K but remains constant.

Section 10. Dynamics of the Slowly Accelerated Electron. (#1)

317. In this section, we consider the motion of an electrically charged particle (an electron) within an electromagnetic field. Such an electron may be assumed to move, states Einstein, according to a law of motion based on the following 3 equations:

where x, y, z denote the spatial coordinates (position) of the electron, m equals its mass - as long as its motion is slow (but how defined?) - and where eX, eY, eZ are the components of the ponderomotive force (e) acting on the electron when viewed from within its own coordinate system (K). [We may note that these equations prove comparable to that for the momentum (p) of any body of mass m moving at velocity v in relation to such axes. In the present case, the body concerned (the electron) is first subjected to such forces and would thereby have the equivalent energy and momentum transferred to it.] Secondly, we assume that its velocity during a given (brief) period is v. What then is the law of motion that governs its movement in the immediately following instants of time ? We may assume that the electron's position at the moment we first condider its motion to be at the origin of its x, y, z coordinates and that it then moves at velocity v along the X axis of stationary system K. At the moment when t = 0, the electron may (?equally) be considered to be at rest at x, y, z relative to a moving system K' which is in parallel motion with the same velocity v, along that same axis X. With these assumptions, in combination with the principle of relativity, the electron would move over the immediately ensuing moments (of small values of t) - as viewed from system K' - according now to the 3 equations

in which the symbols x', y', z' and X', Y', Z' refer to moving system K'. If, further, we decide that when t = x = y = z = 0 then t' = x' = y' = z' = 0, so that the transformation equations of sections 3 and 6 above hold good (and where B is shown to equal 1 x sq rt [1 - v²/c²], we would then have

[Note: We seem to have obtained somewhere the value here c² isolated from its usual companion of v² when considering the transformed time (t') element for moving system K'. We may note that the ratio v/c is relevant to the transformation of the velocity values of all moving bodies which pertain to their parameters of present interest and that the elements of same (v and c) are normally only squared and immediately square rooted in order to eliminate negative values - and bringing this ratio back towards a vaue of 1/1 or a large fraction of same (as 0.8/1, say). In what circumstances in our discussion of the velocity (and later the mass and energy parameters) of a moving body such as an electron might the value of c become relevant where it is not in ratio with the body's velocity (as v/c - after the squaring is necessarily removed) but becomes utilised instead on its own and still in its squared form - as the denominator of the value of the time (t) the electron takes to move along the x dimension - when calculating the transformed value of that time (t') - ie by means of the fraction: t - v.x / c² ?? After all, this would produce an exceedingly minute value (for this particular ratio) in so far as the denominator has a value of 90,000,000,000 !! It would appear that v² over c²] is somehow replaced here by t - v.x / c²], with t - v.x somehow representing or effectively replacing v². Is it large enough to roughly balance that enormity of c² ? But, in any case, what happened to the square root sign normally associated with v²(or even t - v.x) / c² ? Or was it never involved earlier in this particular algebraic process ??]

318. With the help of these equations, we may in any case, states Einstein, transform the equations of motion from moving system K' (?back) to unmoving system K [do we not usually do this the other way round?] and thereby obtain a set of 3 equations of electron motion for unmoving system K - as:

which may be referred to as set A. We now inquire as to the mass of the moving electron - with respect to both its longitudinal and transverse aspects. To this end, we may re-write the equations of motion of set A in the following form

where eX', eY', eZ' are the transferred components of the ponderomotive force (e) acting on the electron when viewed in the system moving with the electron at its speed. Such a force could, notes Einstein, be (?theoretically) measured by a spring balance at rest in that moving system. If we call this force 'the force acting on the electron' and use the formula force = mass x acceleration (in system K), we derive the two equations for its mass:

320. [One wonders why this particular body (an electron) requires two equations to represent its mass ?] In any case, with a different definition of force and acceleration, we would obtain other values for such masses. This, notes Einstein, shows that 'when comparing different 'theories of the motion of the electron', we must proceed cautiously'. [One wonders if this is implicitly directed to those who may have previously adopted Lorentz's electron theory in this regard ? However, he mentions in a footnote that this definition of force is not as advantageous as defining it in such a way (as Planck noted), that the laws of momentum and energy assume their simplest forms.] He also mentions that the above conclusions about the electron's mass would also apply validly to a ponderable material point if the latter acquires an electric charge, no matter how small (as it would then effectively constitute an electron?).

321. He next considers the kinetic energy of the moving electron. If an electron can be considered as initially at rest at the origin of its coordinates in system K, and is subjectd to an electrostatic force (X) along the x axis, it will acquire kinetic energy of motion to this value of S eXdx (where S = the sum of the integrals). This amount (as withdrawn from the electrostatic force/field) will exactly equal the subsequent kinetic energy of motion (W) gained by (and now held within the mass of) the moving electron since, by being only slowly accelerated to some velocity v from its initial state of rest, it would not give off any energy as radiation (heat/light), as it apparently would otherwise. During the whole process of the electron's motion being considered here, the first of the equations of its motion as shown in set A apply (when calculating its acquired kinetic energy). [This appears to show the velocity of such motion along the x coordinate (ie d²x/dt²), by which it has gained that energy, as being a function of the electron's mass (m) (ie E = f m) in ratio with its electric charge (-e), the particular function by which these two measures produce the resulting Energy concerned being rather complex - as: -e/m.B³.X where B = the transform term for velocity (1 - sq rt 1-v²/c²) which, amazingly, is somehow cubed !). We would then obtain an equation for that kinetic energy gained by the electron after being so 'boosted' along the x axis of its coordinate system (?K'):

Thus, as v approaches the value of c, the kinetic energy W would approach infinity in value (which it could never reach). This further supports the earlier conclusions that nothing other than light can move as fast as that (c).

[Note that in the above equation we see our first example, I believe, of the ingredients of the famous equation E = m.c² - where c appears in a squared form (possibly derived from its role as shown above for the first time (in transforming the time factor) that is not simultaneously 'square rooted'). As mentioned, E = f(m) and the particular function that it is of same, is that of that mass (m) multipled by the enormous value that is c² which is then multipled by a variation of the transform term B (possibly because this is a formula for kinetic, not total, energy (as hopefully will be elaborated later). Just prior to this, we have also now finally introduced the concepts of both mass and energy into this, the electrodynamic part, of the special theory of relativity (which had previously focused, in the kinematic part, on the velocity only (with the variabilty of the underlying time and space thereof) of the moving body per se; its energy and mass weren't then relevant or considered. This is further developed in his subsequent paper of 1905 - on the Mass - Energy relationship (where that elaboration will be found) and for which this present section seems to serve as an introduction. We shall later consider more specifically the derivation of Einstein's famous equation (essentially for the latent energy E_latent of any and all unmoving bodies - by means of a number of different approaches of which this present section may conveniently be considered as #1 - and subsequent ones as #2 (the later 1905 paper), #3, 4...#7), somewhat later.]

322. Finally in this section, Einstein lists the 3 properties of the motion of the electron which are revealed by the set of equations A - which are accessible to experimental verification. Firstly, he notes that from the 2nd equation of set A, it follows that an electric force Y and a magnetic force N have an equally strong deflective action on an electron moving at its velocity v, when Y = N(v/c). Thus, when v is a large part of c, Y and N are almost of equal value and in any case have the same effect on deflecting the path of the electron concerned. If v is rather slower than that, both the electric force and the magnetic one are weaker but their defective powers, though less, are still equal. By this means, it is possible to determine the velocity of the electron; for it would utilise the ratio of the magnetic power of deflection (A_m) to the electric power of deflection (A_e) for any velocity in that this ratio is equal to that of v/c. That is,

This relationship can be measured directly - as by means of rapidly oscillating electric and magnetic fields. [One would assume that when v = c and the ratio v/c = 1, the ratio of the electric force to the magnetic force would result in the constant c - the speed of light itself - ie a little faster than that of the electron.

323. Secondly, from the deduction concerning the kinetic energy of the electron, it follows that between the potential difference (P) traversed and the acquired velocity v of the electron there must be the relationship (with S again = the integration sign):

324. Finally, we can calculate the radius of the curve of the electron's path when a magnetic force N is present (as the only deflective force) which acts perpendicularly to the direction of the electron moving at its velocity v. From the 2nd equation again, we may obtain the equation: